@Erica Isabel Howton
Here is some of the material I have been putting together to track them. I will put together sources I have used and am presently reading. Thanks for trying to help me with my Geni problem. I'll give it another day or two if I cant resolve it I'll be out of here...
Hope you have your glasses on have fun... I will get the rest to you. even if i leave this site
The public career of William Goffe runs nearly parallel to that
of Whalley, his father-in-law and companion in exile.
Whalley was " a woollen-draper, or petty merchant, in London ;
The parents of Edward Whalley were Richard Whalley of
Kirkton Hall, Nottinghamshire, a country member of Parliament
in the last of Elizabeth's reign, and Frances- Cromwell,}
an aunt of the future Protector. Frances was the second wife of
Richard. Their eldest son was Thomas, who died May, 1637,
before his father, (leaving a son, Peniston Whalley, who died in
1672, aet. 48.) Edward was their second son, and Henry their third.
August 1642, Edward Whalley, was Cornet of the 60th regiment of
horse (John Frennes, Captain), and by March, 1643, was Captain.
The next mention found of his name is in the letters of Cromwell
July 28, 1643 : Major Whalley,"
March, 1645, Whalley is now Colonel of one of eleven cavalry
regiments, defeated Goring's army at Langport (July 10, 1645),
and was present at the following Military battles
Siege of Bridgewater (July 11-25, 1645),
Seige of Sherborne Castle (Aug. 1-15, 1645)
Seige of Bristol (Aug. 21 to Sept. 11, 1645),
Seige of Exeter (Febr., 1646),
Seige of Oxford (March, 1646),
Seige of Banbury.On May 9, 1646,
From Banbury he marched to Worcester, where Sir Henry
Washington (own cousin to the grandfather of General George
Washington) surrendered to him on July 23, after eleven
June1647, when the king was taken (not unwillingly) by Cornet
George Joyce and his five hundred troopers from the custody of
Parliament at Holdenby (or Holmby) House, in Northamptonshire.
Whalley was sent by Gen. Fairfax with a strong party to meet Charles and
escort him back ; but Charles declined to return.when the king was lodged in
Hampton Court Palace, Whalley was (through Cromwell's influence) for the
whole time (Aug. 24 to Nov. 11, 1647) his keeper, and was suspected of
connivance in his escape to the Isle of Wight.
1648 (summer) Whalley went with Fairfax, to quell the Kentish Insurrection,
and assist at the capture of Maidstone and the siege of Colchester.
1648, December, he was with Colonel Pride, while he purged by force the
Long Parliament, so as to secure a vote which should bring the shuffling king to trial.
January, 04 1649, the Commons voted to create a High Court of Justice for the trying
and judging of Charles Stuart, and Whalley was named among the one hundred and
thirty-five Commissioners and among the fifty-nine signatures to the final death-warrant
his firm, clear signature is the fourth (next after President Bradshaw's, Lord Grey's,
and Oliver Cromwell's)
July, 1649 to May,1650, During Lieut. Gen. Cromwell's Irish campaign . Whalley's
regiment remained in England.
June, 1650, Cromwell was made Captain-General and Commander-in-Chief, Whalley
joined him for Scotland with the rank of Commissary -General. Cromwell's
dispatches after the victory at Dunbar (Sept. 3, 1650) mark his bravery and list him
as a casualty noting "Col. Whalley only cut in the hand-wrist, and his horse (twice shot)
killed under him ; but he well recovered another horse, and went on in the chase"
August, 1651, Cromwell left Monk and Whalley in command as he followed
Charles II into England and in September Parliament voted to each of them in an estate
in England with a yearly value of five hundred pounds.
Weeks later Whalley was in London again, and present at a memorable conference when
the leaders of the Parliament and the Army met to consider and arrange the settlement of
April 20, 1653, Cromwell became the head of the State, though it was not till the 16th
of the following December that he was first named Lord Protector.
When the new Parliament convened Whalley was a representative for Nottinghamshire.
August, 1655, the command of the militia was divided among ten (afterwards twelve)
officers of which Whalley was one. He had charge of his native county, Nottinghamshire,
with the adjacent shires of Lincoln, Derby, Warwick, and Leicester. His headquarters
were at Nottingham,
Sept. 17, 1656, to June 26, 1657 Whalley was once again elected to Parliament where
he sat, during its only session, from Jan. 20, to Feb. 4, 1658. The chief business was the
presentation of the "Petition and Advice" to his Highness the Lord Protector, and the offer
of the royal title. Whalley is mentioned as using his influence in favor of the assumption
Jan. 20, to Feb. 4, 1658, Parliament later reassembled, and in accordance with the
" Petition and Advice," the " Other House " was constituted by special writ. In this almost
anomalous body, of forty-two members, "Edward, Lord Whalley " sat, during this its
June 1659 Whalley was one of the committee of nine, charged by Cromwell with preparing
business for the next meeting of Parliament in September of that year ; but before the summons
had been issued, death had summoned the busy Lord Protector.From that moment the
restoration of the Stuarts was inevitable.
During the eight months' Protectorate which succeeded, Whalley was a main-stay of the
Cromwell dynasty ; but Richard's abdication came on May 5, 1659, and the Long Parliament
on reassembling withdrew Whalley's commission as General, through fear of his influence
with the army.
October 1659, when the army tried to seize power, Whalley was sent by Parliament as
one of their commissioners to meet with his old comrade,Monk ; but Monk refused to
meet him, and presently the Restoration was accomplished.
July 27, 1660 Whalley arrived at Boston. Arriving with Whalley were fellow-passengers
General William Goffe, Major Daniel Gookin, an assistant in the Colony of Massachusetts
Bay, and Marmaduke Johnson, comng to print the first installment of Eliot's Indian Bible.
Whalley and Goffe are not new aquaintences. Goffe is in fact Whalley's Father-in-law.
Their lives have run almost parallel up to leaving England and will now merge in the
Enter General William Goffe
His father," a very severe Puritan," as Anthony & Wood calls him,was the Rev. Stephen Goffe,
a graduate (B. A. 1595, M. A.1599) of Magdalen College, Oxford, and at one time (before
1607) rector of Bramber, a little village in Sussex.
Stephen, the eldest, had his training at Merton College, Oxford (B. A. 1623),chaplain of
Col. Horace Vere's regiment at the Hague in 1632-3, then by Archbishop Laud's
recommendation preacher to the English merchants in Delft, chaplain in Col. Goring's
regiment in 1641, afterwards (1645) secret agent of the Royalist cause in France and
Holland ; turned Papist, became one of Queen Henrietta Maria's chaplains,* and died a
priest of the Oratory in Paris, in 1681, faet. 1764
John, another brother, also an Oxford graduate (B. A. 1630),
steadily adhered to the Church of England, and was vicar of
Hackington, near Canterbury, but ejected in 1643 for his
refusal to take the u Solemn League and Covenant." Through
his brother William's influence he obtained in 1652 another
rectory at Norton, in Kent, where he died in 1661.
A third brother, James, is only known through General Goffe's reference to him
in a letter of July, 1656, in Thurloe's Collection.
The remaining brother, William Goffe, utter foe to both
Papist and Churchman, was probably at least ten or twelve
years younger than Whalley, whose daughter he married. Of
his occupation before 1647, no account is preserved, except the
comment of the Second Narrative of the late Parliament,"
which describes him as " sometime Col. Vaughan's brother's
apprentice (a salter in London), whose time being near or newly
out, betook himself to be a soldier, instead of setting up his
trade ; went out a quartermaster of foot, and continued in the
wars till he forgot what he fought for; in time became a
Colonel, and, in the outward appearance, very zealous and
frequent in praying, preaching, and pressing, for righteousness
and freedom, and highly esteemed in the army, on that account,
when honesty was in fashion." The earliest mention of his name is
in June, 1647, when the Army accused the eleven Parliamentary
1648, Major Goffe," exhorting in a meeting of army officers at Windsor
Castle about the beginning of 1648. Nor is his name seen again until
we reach the trial of the king. His signature to the death warrant is
the fourteenth in order.
May, 1649, some of the principal Parliamentary officers visited Oxford
by invitation ; Fairfax and Cromwell were madeDoctors of Laws ;
Goffe and ten others Masters of Arts.
1649, After this date, Goffe's experiences are almost a copy of Whalley's.
With him he accompanied Cromwell into Scotland, as
Colonel of a regiment of foot, and is mentioned in the official
report of the battle of Dunbar. In 1654 he was returned to
Parliament from Yarmouth, in Norfolk, and in 1656 from Southampton.
Like Whalley, he was made a Major General in
1655, with command in Sussex (his native county), Hampshire,
and Berkshire, and headquarters in Winchester. With
Whalley he favored the title of King Oliver, sat in the " Other
House," was on the commission arranging business for Parliament
when Cromwell died ; supported to the last the authority
of Richard, and was sent by the army to make terms with
Nov. 15, 1658 For the esteem in which he was held, one may see
a letter from the second Protector, (Thurloe, vii, 504),bestowing
on him lands in Ireland of the yearly value of five hundred pounds,
in such terms as these :
"Calling to mind the great worth and merit of our trusty and
well-beloved William,Lord Goffe, Major General of the foot in our
army, and of his many eminent, constant, and faithful services,
and with what singular valor and prudence he hath done and performed
the same to these nations in time of the late wars and otherwise ;
and also being made acquainted with the gracious intentions of
EDWARD WHALLEY AND WILLIAM GOFFE our most dear and entirely
beloved father, his late highness of blessed memory, towards the said
William, Lord Goffe ; and to compensate his desert; we are well pleased
to grant," etc.
These outlines show us that both Whalley and Goffe were
brave soldiers and trusty leaders, helped into prominence by
their relation to Cromwell, and in a measure the creatures of
his stronger will. That Goffe at least had independently a
marked character may be judged from another passage in the
anonymous pamphlet already twice quoted, where it is said,
just before Oliver Cromwell's death, General Goffe "hath
advanced his interest greatly, and is in so great esteem and
favor at court, that he is judged the only tit man to have
Major General Lambert's place and command, as major general
of the army ; and, having so far advanced, is in a fair way to
the Protectorship hereafter." But we pass on a little, and instead
of the Protectorship comes exile, crowned by death.
May 1, 1660, letters were read in the two Houses from
Charles II, containing the famous "Declaration of Breda,"
dated Apr 4, 1660 which promised pardon to all save "only such
persons as shall hereafter be excepted by Parliament."
Whalley and Goffe were wise enough to mistrust all promises
from the son of Charles I, and three days later, under the thin
disguise of Edward Richardson and William Stephenson, they
embarked at Gravesend in the " Prudent Mary," Captain
May 12, 1660 a Saturday, the king was proclaimed at Gravesend,
and on Monday their vessel "Prudent Mary" sailed for Boston,
where they arrivedin ten weeks from the following Friday, or on
July 27. Among their fellow-passengers were Major Daniel Gookin,
an assistant in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, and Marmaduke
Johnson, coming to print the first installment of Eliot's Indian Bible.
Scarcely were they out of sight of England, when, on May
18, the House of Lords ordered the seizure of the members
of the Court which condemned Charles I. Just a week later,
the king landed at Dover, and on June 6 issued his proclamation,
summoning a long list of persons (Whalley and Goffe
included) to appear within a fortnight, or forfeit pardon.
From the day of leaving Westminster until 1667, the younger
of the two exiles kept a journal, to which Governor Hutchinson,
a hundred years later, had access while writing his History of
the Colony of Massachusetts Bay ; this diary then belonged to
the Mather family, but was destroyed in the attack on Hutchinson's
house by the mob, in 1765; a contemporaneous transcript
of a few extracts, extending, however, only from May 4
to Sept. 6, 1660, found among the Winthrop family papers,
was printed in the Proceedings of the Mass. Historical Society,
for Dec., 1863. On August 29, Parliament passed the Act of Indemnity,
from the benefits of which Whalley and Goffe were excepted
July 1660, After landing in Boston Whalley and Goffe accepted the hospitality of their
fellow-passenger, Major Gookin, and remained openly at his house in Cambridge for seven mon
August 29,1660 Parliament passed the Act of Indemnity,from the benefits of which Whalley
and Goffe were excepted by name ; on Sept. 22, a rumor having arisen that they had"lately returned"
to England, a special Royal Proclamation offered rewards for their apprehension, alive or dead,
anywhere within the king's dominions, of one hundred pounds each.
Sept. 22, 1660 a rumor having arisen that they had "lately returned" to England,
a special Royal Proclamation offered rewards for their apprehension, alive or dead, anywhere
within the king's dominions, of one hundred pounds each. News of the Act of Indemnity did
not reach New England until the last day of November ; soon followed by the report
of the trial, beginning October 10, of twenty-nine persons forconnection with the death of the
late king. When it was remembered that Captain Thomas Breedon, a prominent Royalist
of Boston, had sailed for England, and was sure to announce that he had seen Generals
Whalley and Goffe, no wonder that some of the government began to desire to be rid
of their dangerous guests.
November 30,1660 News of the Act of Indemnity reaches New England ; soon followed by the report
of the trial, beginning October 10, of twenty-nine persons for connection with the death of the late king
When it was remembered that Captain Thomas Breedon, a prominent Royalist of Boston, had sailed for
England, and was sure to announce that he had seen Generals Whalley and Goffe, no wonder
that some of the government began to desire to be rid of their dangerous guests, and that on
February 22, 1661, Governor Endicott summoned his council of Assistants (of whom their host,
Gookin,was one) to consult about securing them. The Assistants did not agree to any measures, but
the regicides removed the cause of apprehension by leaving four days afterwards for New Haven. At the
invite of the Rev. John Davenport, of New Haven,who had never met either of them ; the only known
connection between him and the Goffe family was in 1633, when General Goffe's brother Stephen was
Archbishop Laud's spy on the movements of Davenport, in exile at the Hague. (Calendar of Domestic State
Papers for 1633-34, p. 324.) But the Kev. William Hooke, whose wife was sister of Whalley, had been
Davenport's associate in the ministry of the First Church of New Haven from1644 to 1656,
and since then his regular correspondent. William Jones, also, who had just joined the settlement
here, and became its leading civilian, was a passenger on the ship with the regicides. Other remoter
links of connection between the Protectors Government and the Colony of New Haven were through
Samuel Desborough, Lord Keeper of Scotland, who lived in New Haven and Guilford from 1639 to 1650,
and whose brother, General John Desborough, married a sister of Cromwell and cousin of Whalley ;
and through the Rev. Henry Whitfield, of Guilford, in this Colony, from '1639 to 1650, with whose family
at Winchester Goffe had lived, while at the height of his power as Major General over
three shires of England, in 1656.
March 7, 1661, Whalley and Goffe reached New Haven after briefly stopping to be entertained
by Governor Winthrop in Hartford and they appeared openly as Mr. Davenport's guests for the next
March 8, 1661, A Royal Proclamation for their arrest, given at London in January, on information
supplied by Captain Breedon. Accordingly, the Governor and Assistants of Massachusetts,
now that their vigilance could do no harm, cheerfully issued, on March 8, a warrant to secure them,
and sent it through that Colony. The news of the King's Proclamation coming to New Haven,
and threatening a possible risk to their hosts here, the Judges, on March 27, went to Milford and
allowed themselves to be seen there, as though proceeding to NewYork, but the same night they
returned and lay concealed at Mr. Davenport's until May
April 28, 1661 another royal mandate reached Boston, dated March 5, 1661
caused by further accounts of the residence of Whalley and Goffe in Cambridge,
and ordering their arrest ; but directed by some strange blunder to an official
as yet unheard-of, " the Governor of New England." Governor Endicott
hesitated for a week (during which time the news was of course sent hither),
and then without summoning his Council committed the warrantto two young
men, with letters from himself to the Chief Magistrates of Plymouth, Connecticut,
New Haven, and New York. (The letter to Dep. Gov. Leete of New Haven is in
"Documents relating to Colonial History of N. Y.," iii, 41.)
May 7, 1661 about 6 P. M., the two Commissioners, Thomas Kellond,
merchant, and Thomas Kirk, shipmaster, with John Chapin as guide, left
Boston for Connecticut. On Friday they called on Governor Winthrop at
Hartford, who told them that Whalley and Goffe did not stay there, but went
directly for New Haven." (Report of the Commissioners, in Hutchinson's Collections.)
He promised, however, a search in his jurisdiction, which their Report says was made.
May 11, 1661 the two commisssioners went to Guilford,where they met Deputy-Governor Leete,
who since the death of Governor Newman, in November, 1660, had been the
Chief Magistrate of the Colony of New Haven. Leete received them in the presence
of several persons, and began to read their letters aloud ; on their objecting
to such publicity, he withdrew to another room and assured them (probably with truth)
that he had not seen the "Colonels," as Whalley and Goffe were not to be found.
The Commissioners replied that they had information of the Colonels being in
New Haven since, and demanded horses, about which there was some delay.
May 11, 1661 On their way to the inn, the Commissioners were told by one Dennis Crampton
(Scranton, in their Report), who called other witnesses to the facts, that the regicides
were sheltered by Davenport, and that Leete undoubtedly knew it; that Mr. Davenport
had recently put in tenpounds' worth of fresh provisions at one time ; that Whalley
and Goffe on a late training-day (probably in Milford) had openly said that if they
had but two hundred friends to stand by them, they would not care for Old or
New England. Other bystanders reported that they had very lately been seen between
the houses of Mr. Davenport and Mr. Jones. Excited by this gossip, the Commissioners
returned to Leete to demand their horses, military aid, and a warrant to search
and arrest But apparently it was towards sundown, and a Deputy Governor would demur
to any traveling within his control until the approaching Sabbath was over. As to a
search warrant and a posse, he must consult his brother-magistrates before seeming
to recognize such an unprecedented authorityas the "Governor of New England."
to whom their commission was directed. He would give them, however, a letter to
the magistrate residing in New Haven. Meantime they were obliged to wait, chafing with
the suspicion that a Guilfor Indian had already carried forwards the news of their arrival.
May 13, 1661, Monday at day break they were allowed to depart, but not before another
messenger had preceded them from Leete to Matthew Gilbert, the New Haven
magistrate; so that when they arrive the magistrate is nowhere to be seen. Leete had
promised to follow them, and there was nothing to be done but wait for his slower
moving dignity. Two hours later he appeared at the court chamber, with Magistrate
Crane of Branford, and told the Commissioners that he did not believe that
Whalley and Goffe were in New Haven (the fact being that they had removed on
Saturday night from Mr. Jones's house to "the Mills" in Westville). They offered,
if he would allow it, to search the two suspected houses on their own responsibility
; but he replied that he neither would nor could do anything until the freemen were
met together. Meantime, the other magistrates and the deputies of New Haven
had come in, and Leete spent five or six hours in consultation, only to make
the same answer. To the Commissioners' threats of his Majesty's probable resentment,
Leete replied, "we honor his Majesty, but we have tender consciences.
" To which the Commissioners testily retorted that they believed the magistrates
knew all the time where the Colonels were," and only pretended tenderness of
conscience for a refusal." Again themagistrates deliberated, but evening found
them still unyielding,and when the Commissioners pressed the question
"whether they would own his Majesty or no, it was answered they would
first know whether his Majesty would own them," that is,whether
their government would be recognized as independent of a Governor
of all New-England, now for the first time dimly threatened. Baffled and
powerless, the Commissioners left on the following day for New York, and
returned to Boston by sea, where as a small recompense for their pains the
Governor's Council granted them each two hundred and fifty acres of land.The
Colonels must remain hidden, at least until the present alarm is over; and
accordingly, on the day after the king's messengershad gone westwards, a
cave on West Rock (which they called Providence Hill) received them ; there
they spent four weeks, sheltered in stormy weather in the house of the only neighbor,
Richard Sperry, who also supplied them with food. The traditions recited by Dr. Stiles
of a visit of theRoyal Commissioners to this cave are utterly irreconcilable with
their narrative. At the conference on Monday, May 13, 1661, the magistrates had
decided to convene the General Court, which accordingly met at New Haven the
following Friday, and by its command orders were issued to the marshals in each
plantation to search diligently for the Colonels. One of these warrants is given in the printed
volume of Colonial Records. Nevertheless, the Judges' cave was not invaded. From
this miserable shelter, only the rumor of harm threatening Mr. Davenport through
the suspicion of his still concealing them, induced them to emerge.
June 11,1661 Gov. Hutchinson discloses they left West Rock, "generously
resolving to go to New Haven, and deliver themselves to the authority there "
namely, to Gilbert, who had been made Deputy-Governor at an election just held.
June 11, 1661 to June 22, 1661 it is thought the Judges were at
some time hid in Guilford for some time during this period. The time
it is thought was spent in Governor Leete's stone cellar, and
in Dr. Rossiter's house.
The Rev. John Davenport (in a letter written in August, to
be again referred to) says that on June 22, Whalley and Goffe
" came from another colony, where they were and had been
some time, to New Haven." The authority for their leaving
West Rock on June 11 is Goffe's diary,
The Rev. John Davenport (in a letter written in August, to
be again referred to) says that on June 22, Whalley and Goffe
" came from another colony, where they were and had been
some time, to New Haven." The authority for their leaving
West Rock on June 11 is Goffe's diary. It is hardly probable that
between the two dates they made ajourney into either of the
bordering colonies, where their stay must at best have been short ;
but on the other hand it is inconceivable that the cave "where they
were and had beensometime" was unknown to their chief friend.
Mr. Davenport's statement looks like a fabrication intended to cover
movement of the two Judges during this time.
June 22, 1661 they appeared in New Haven,"professing," writes
Davenport, " that their true intention, in their coming at that time,
was to yield themselves to be apprehended," but the Deputy-Governor
took no measures for their arrest.
June 23, 1661, Hutchinson states, "some persons came to them to
advise them not to surrender."
June 24, 1661,The magistrates met at New Haven on other business,
but through either connivance or over-confidence deferred taking
custody of their uncaged prisoners. Before the magistrates'
meeting was ended, the Colonels had disappeared ; or, to give
the account in Davenport's words,
" Our Governor and magistrates wanted neither will nor
industry to have served his Majesty in apprehending the two
Colonels, but were prevented and hindered by God's overruling
providence, which withheld them that they could not execute their
true purpose therein ; and the same Providence could have done
the same, in the same circumstances, if they had been in London,
or in the Tower.Before the magistrates issued their consultation,
which was notlong, the Colonels were gone away, no man knowing
how nor whither. Thereupon a diligent search was renewed, and many
were sent forth on foot and horseback. But all in vain."
Mr. Davenport seems to imply that they escaped by miraculous
means, "no man knowing how ;" perhaps he believed that
perhaps he was wilfully misled. Rumors of this marvellous eluding of
the magistrates soon reached the authorities of Massachusetts Bay,
whose agent in England had already alarmed them by reports that
the Council for Plantations were noting the slowness of the Colonies
to proclaim Charles II, and would be ready to take offence at the
action of New Haven on the royal mandate concerning Whalley
and Goffe. Accordingly, in July, Secretary Rawson wrote
from Boston, by order of the Council, to Governor Leete, advising
him to arrest the regicides at once without any more evasion.
August 1, 1661, The Governor took the alarm and called together
the General Court again, to dictate an answer; the answer.
excused the treatment of the
Commissioners in May by blaming their forwardness, "retarding
their own business to wait upon ours without commission,"
as well as by reiterating conscientious objections to "owning a
general Governor, unto whom the warrant was directed." The
answer also laid the blame of the Colonels' second disappearance
on Deputy-Governor Gilbert's remissness, and was strong
in declarations of honesty.
This letter was sent on to England, and with it a copy of the
letter already cited, from the Rev. John Davenport to Col.
Temple of Boston, the trusty agent of Charles II, giving a defence
of the writer's conduct in this affair, in terms of unstinted
flattery and unquestioned dissimulation. It is
humiliating that his record of magnanimous fidelity and courage
in harboring the friendless exiles, is tarnished by the fawning,
disingenuous apology which his own pen has traced.
In communicating these letters, Col. Temple mentions that he
has himself joined in a secret design with Mr. John Pynchon, of
Springfield, and Capt. Richard Lord, of Hartford, and has great
hopes of seizing Whalley and Goffe.
Lord died in a few months, and nothing came of the scheme.
August 19, 1661, after the judges had tried cave-life for a brief three months,
" the search for them being pretty well over, they ventured tothe house of
one Tomkins in Milford, where they remained two years, without so
much as going into the orchard."
Sept. 5, 1661, the Commissioners of the United Colonies of New England,
in their annual session, held at Plymouth,* issued a warning to all
persons in the colonies, not to shelter Whalley and Goffe, but to make
their hidingplace known to the magistrates, in pursuance of the king's
mandate. Leete signed this order, as one of the Commissioners
from the Colony of New Haven ; but the signature of his fellow-
Commissioner, Benjamin Fenn, of Milford, was withheld, he
having accepted office on the last election-day with the express
stipulation that "in case any business from without should present,
he conceived that he should give no offence if he did not attend to it.
" Whether his scruples were broader than this special case, or
whether the knowledge that the persons in question lodged with
one of his nearest neighbors restrained him, may be doubted.
Sept. 23,1661, On his return, probably, from this meeting, Gov. Leete
stopped in Boston to secure an intercessory letter in his own
behalf from the Rev. John Norton to Eichard Baxter, which set forth
that he " being conscious of indiscretion
and some neglect ... in relation to the expediting the
execution of the warrant . . sent from his Majesty for the
apprehending of the two Colonels, is not without fear of some
displeasure that may follow thereupon ;" consequently, he has
since done all that he could, as his neighbors also attest. This
letter with some preceding circumstances implies that at least a
difference of opinion had arisen between Leete on the one hand
and Davenport and Gilbert on the other, as to the course of
conduct to be pursued in regard to the regicides. which set
forth that he "being conscious of indiscretion
and some neglect .
After 1661 the most that is known of Whalley and Goffe is
to be gathered from the letters received by Goffe from 1662 to
1679, draughts of his replies, his letters to Increase Mather, and
his minutes of news gleaned from despatches sent him by friends
in New England, especially by Davenport and Gilbert of New Haven,
and by Waitstill Winthrop, son of the Governor of Connecticut
1662, Sometime between August and September a letter from Mrs Goffe
to her husband
1663, A letter from the Rev. Mr.
Hooke (begun Febr. 25, and ended March 2), which though
directed to Davenport was meant for Goffe also: it was intercepted
by the treachery of a messenger and inspected by the
Government. "The Secretary said it was as pernicious a letter
against the Government as had been written since his
Majesty came in it was unsigned,
and the writer undetected, though a great stir was made about
1664 End of July, Four Royal Commissioners arrived in
Boston, instructed to visit the New England Colonies and New
York, and among other things to inquire after persons
attainted of high treason. This pointed directly to Whalley
and Goffe, and as soon as they learned of it, they
retired to their cave, where they tarried eight or ten days,
when some Indians, in their hunting, discovered the cave with the
bed,etc., and the report being spread abroad, it was not
safe to remain near it. After this, possibly they again sought
aslyum with friends in New Haven, possibly in Guilford .
October 13,1664, While the Royal Commissioners were at
New York the Rev. John Russell, of Hadley, Mass., having
previously agreed to receive them, they left for that town,
seventy -five miles distant, making the journey by night.
Oct. 15, 1664, Goffe and Whalley stopped briefly in "Pilgrim's Harbor"
also passing the spot known as Pilgrim Harbor Brook or Elver,
which is accepted as a familiar boundary in that locale. After arriving
in Hadley very little can be found of their time spent their
February 10, 1665 (as found in Goffe's Diary) John Dixwell a third
Regicide joined with Goffe and Whalley and is said to have stayed
in Hadley for several years. There is little mention of Dixwell except
that he resurfaces in New Haven in 1678
1666 - 1670 Their is litle correspondence and no events of great
importance. However it is noted that Davenport left New Haven
for Boston and after a brief ministry died there in 1670
1671 Other than correspondence between Goffe and his wife
dealing with conditions at home in England and the failing health
of Whalley and the conditions of the exile's. There are no events
out of the ordinary.
1673 No events to speak of and only one letter sent from Goffe to
April 4,1674, Goffe receives a letter from Whalley's son-in-law,
Mr.Hooke. Goffe's reply to Hooke is contained in a letter to Whalley's
daughter, Mrs Hooke. Goffe informs her of Whalley's declining health
"I do not apprehend the near approach of his death more now
(save only he is so much older) than I did two years ago. He is indeed
very weak ; but He that raiseth the dead, is able to restore him to
some degree of strength again, and will do it if it may make
for His glory, the edification of His people, and our best good."
and in answer to the where abouts of their son Ebenezer.
Goffe tells Whalley's daughter that their son had not made contact
with Whalley as hoped Goffe was able however to have a friend
who was travelling to New Haven that would inquire about him.
Goffe said he hoped to have news of Ebenezer in his next letter to
August 1674 to August 1676 Whalley's death occurs in Hadley
and it is certain from Goffe's letters that Whalley died in 1674,
1675, or 1676. and it was common knowlege that a regicide was
buried in Hadley
In 1795 during renovations in the cellar of the Russell House the
bones and two teeth were found behind the cellar wall abutting
Main Street. The bones were in pieces but from a thigh bone
examined by Dr S.H. Rogers it was determined to be that fo a man
of large size. No other graves were found behind the cellar wall
September 1, 1675 Wednesday, The people of Hadley were keeping a fast
with public worship. Suddenly there came an Indian attack, and the
townspeople were rallied to victory by a venerable leader, of military bearing,
whom none had ever seen before, or ever saw again. Probably most never
knew who their helper was, though many of them may haveguessed his name.
The local traditions which Dr. Stiles and Mr. Judd, the historian of Hadley
were able to gather, add no sure details to the romantic outline ; but more
than one famous novelist has expanded the story in fiction.
Many facts about the occurence may be found in a letter from the
Rev. John Russell to Increase Mather who was a trusted friend of the
regicides. Mr. Russell comments on Mather's "History of the Indian Wars
where the attack on Hadley was briefly mentioned without reference to the
mysterious leader " I find nothing considerable mistaken in your history ;
nor do I know whether you proceed in your intended second edition.
That which I most fear in the matter is, lest Mr. B. or some of Connecticut
should clash with ours, and contradict each other in the story as to
matter of fact. Should that appear in print which I have often heard in
words, I fear the event would be exceeding sad." Inferring that Goffe,
prior to this letter (April 18, 1677), had moved to Connecticut, and
Mr. Russell fears"Mr. B." or others with whom Groffe was now living
would contradict any printed version of the mysterios appearance at
Hadley, and risk the safety of the regicides. The story is also preserved
in the letters of Gov. Leverett, who, according to Gov. Hutchinson's History,
Leverett had been a Captain in the Parliamentary army early in the
Civil War, and had visited with the regicides while in Hadley, as
Hutchinson learned from the fragments of Goffe's diary he had viewed
in Leverett's papers
March 30, 1676, Edward Randolph left England for Boston, to
convey the king's demand forColonial agents at Court, and to
make minute inquiries into the state of the colonies. He was in
New England from June 10 to July 30, and in his report
(dated in September) says of a law in Massachusetts Bay,
encouraging the succor of fugitives : by which law Whalley and
Goffe and other traitors were kindly received and entertained.
Undoubtedly his inquiries were noticed by Goffe's
friends, and may have rendered a change of hiding-place
September 8, 1676 Goffe has relocated to Hartford and is taken
care of by Rev. John Whiting a pastor in Hartford from 1660 -1689
a Mr. Samuel Nowell
September 25, 1676 Goffe appears to be living in the home of John Bull
of Hartford the twenty seven year old son of Thomas Bull. The Bull and
Whiting families later had a marriage between John Bull and the daughter
of Rev. Whiting. This shows the connection between Goffe, Whiting and Bull
1677 - 1688 Goffe appears to remain in Hartford
April 2, 1679 This date is the last found on any of Goffe's letter's according to
Governor Hutchinson and it is to Increase Mathers.
The death of Goffe probably occured in the weeks after his last letter at
which time his papers were sent to Increase Mathers. There some
disagreement at that time as to his place of burial, Hartford or Hadley ?
Goffe's friends at the time of his death, Kussell, Tilton, Whiting, the Bulls,
Saltonstall, Nowell, and Mather, never made mention of it. Dixwell lies in
New Haven. It is belived Whalley lies in Hadley. Still looking for Goffe.
FROM THE PAPERS OF THE NEW HAVEN COLONY HISTORICAL SOCIETY, VOL. II.
(Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. (4),viii, 182.)
Scott's "Peveril of the Peak" (v. i, ch. 14), and Cooper's " Wept of Wish-ton-wish."
Massachusetts Historical Society printed in their Collections
(4th Series, vol. viii),* a series of manuscripts originally belonging
to one of the three Judges, and not used by President