FOR some years I have been collecting information about the deeds of our ancestors, but without a thought of publication, until many friends suggested that I had enough matter—and much that had never been in print—to publish a book, which at this time
particularly would be of public interest, and which will, I hope, repay those kind friends and subscribers who have been so ready with their support.
I am desirous of expressing my special thanks to the Countess of Rosebery for having a photograph taken for me of the jewel and miniature of Sir John Hawkins in her possession; also to the Marquis of Lothian for permission to have a photograph of the picture of Hawkins, Drake, and Candish; to the Governors of Sir John Hawkins's Hospital at Chatham for permission to reproduce the illustration of the chest containing the charter of incorporation granted by Queen Elizabeth, together with the hatchments of coats of arms; to Messrs. Macmillan for the use of their plates of the Armada sailing up Channel; to the Editor of the Leisure Hour and Mr. Wymper for the loan of the plate of the Ark Royal; to the Rev. Bradford R. J. Hawkins for the photograph of the ivory bust of Sir John Hawkins; to Mr. R. S. Hawkins for the photograph of the portrait of Sir Richard Hawkins; to the Hakluyt Society for permission to use their engravings of Slapton; to Mr. Clements Markham, C.B., F.R.S., for the loan of the block of a vessel of the Armada period, and kind help in many ways; and to Mr. R. N. Worth, F.G.S., for his able assistance.
I must also acknowledge the courtesy of many of the clergy of South Devon in allowing me to look over their Church Registers to obtain the necessary genealogical information.
Besides family and private papers, and manuscripts lent me, my chief authorities are: The State Papers at the Record Office; Wills at Somerset House, at Exeter, and the Heralds' College; the Plymouth Corporation Records; all the County Histories of Devon—Westcote, Risdon, Polwhele, Lysons, Moore, &c.; Worth's and Jewett's Histories of Plymouth; Hawkins's and Fox's Kingsbridge; Hasted's Kent; Histories of Rochester; Stow's Survey and Annals; Camden's Britannia; the Collections of Hakluyt and Purchas; Monson's Naval Tracts; Lidiard's Naval History; Abraham Darcie's Annals; Fuller's and Prince's Worthies; Barron's Naval Worthies; Pinkerton's Voyages; Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins in his Voyage to the South Seas; Payne's Elizabethan Seamen; Froude's History of England; Martin's and Duke Yonge's Histories of England; Creasy's Battles; Valentine's Sea Fights; Worth's Sir John Hawkins; Fox Brown's English Merchants, &c.
Mary W. S. Hawkins.
Hayford Hall, Buckfastleigh,
William Hawkins The Elder
The Second William Hawkins
Sir John Hawkins
The Armada ...
Sir Richard Hawkins, "the Complete Seaman"
William Hawkins The Third
Descendants Of Sir Richard Hawkins
"Haile then my native soile! Thou blessed plot, Whose equall all the world affordeth not! Show me who can? So many cristall rils, Such sweet cloth'd vallies, or aspiring hills; Such wood-ground, pastures, quarries, wealthy mynes, Such rocks in whom the diamond fairly shines, And if the earth can show the like again, Yet will she fail in her sea-ruling men. Time never can produce men to ore-take The fames of Greenvil, Davies, Gilbert, Drake, Or worthy Hawkins, or of thousands more, That by their powers made the Devonian shore Mock the proud Tagus; for whose richest spoyle The boasted Spaniard left the Indian soyle Bankrupt of store, knowing it would quit cost By winning this though all the rest were lost." —Britannia's Pastorals (Book ii. Song 3). By William Browne, poet, born 1590 at Tavistock.
Sir John Hawkins ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Frontispiece
i Plymouth Temp. Henry VHI. ... ... ... ... i
Autographs Of Wllliam Hawkins, Slr John Hawkins, And Slr Richard Hawkins... 8
Sir John Hawkins (bust) ... ... ... ... ... 17
Queen Elizabeth ... ... ... ... ... ... 40
Lord Burleigh ... ... ... ... ... ... 44
Sir Francis Walsingham ... ... ... ... ... 48
•chest And Hatchments In Sir John Hawkins's Hospital, Chatham ... 57
Miniature Of Sir John Hawkins, And Jewel Given By Queen Elizabeth To Sir
John Hawkins ... ... ... ... ... ... 70
, Philip Of Spain ... ... ... ... ... ... 79
•hawkins, Drake, And Candish ... ... ... ... 80
The Ark Royal ... ... ... ... ... ... 84
- Howard Of Effingham ... ... ... ... ... 86
Sir Martin Frobisher ... ... ... ... ... 88
Armada First Sighted Off The Lizard... . ... ... ... 9°
First Engagement Off Plymouth ... ... ... ... 92
The Chase Up Channel ... ... ... ... ... 94
Engagement Off The Isle Of Wight ... ... ... ... 97
Capture Of The "santa Anna" By Sir John Hawkins ... ... 98
Attack Of The Fireships Off Calais ... ... ... ... 100
•sir Richard Hawkins ... ... ... ... --- 115
Poole Priory ... ... ... ... ... ... 134
Slapton Church ... ... ... ... ... ... 136
Seal And Signature Of Sir Richard Hawkins ... ... ... 138
The Illustrations to which the asterisks are prefixed are in the Superior Edition only.
"Plym christneth that town which bears her noble name; Upon the British coast, what ships yet ever came, That not of Plymouth hears, where those brave navies lie From cannons thund'ring flote, that all the world defy; Which to invasive spoil, when the English list to draw, Have checked Hyberia's pride, and kept her still in awe. Oft furnishing our dames with India's rare devices, And lent us gold and pearl, with silks and dainty spices." —drayton's Polyolbion.
Plymouth Armada Heroes:
THE HAWKINS FAMILY.
autlltam I£>atoUtns tije ClOer.
LYMOUTH in the sixteenth century was very different from the Plymouth of the present day. A chart, drawn in the time of King Henry VIII., shows that the whole town was then situated in the neighbourhood of Sutton Pool; that the Castle stood near where the Citadel now is, the site of which was partly occupied by bulwarks; and that a chain was thrown across the entrance of Sutton Pool: so that the old town of Sutton, or Plymouth, in appearance and size was something like Dartmouth now, with the houses rising one above another from the water's edge up the hill to St. Andrew's Church and the Castle.
The town was incorporated by Act of Parliament of King Henry VI., 1439-1440, "within these bounds" [there was an older corporation of some kind]; "namely, between the Hill called the Winnrigge and the back of Surpool, towards the North, unto the great ditch, and from thence to the North of Stoke Damerell fleet, by the shore of that fleet to Milbrooke bridge inclusively. From thence toward the East by the Middlcditch of Houndscombc bridge to Thornhill Park, thence to Lipson bridge, and from thence by the seashore, continuing to the Lare and Catt of Hingston Fishtorre and East King, thence to the said hill of Winnrigge, as the bounds and metes there plainly showed." The Mayor and Commonalty were to hold the Borough of the King by 40J. paid yearly into the Exchequer, and to make stone towers and
fortifications about the town for defence. William Kitherige was the first Mayor appointed by the King, and afterwards the Mayor was to be chosen every year upon St. Lambert's day and sworn on Michaelmas day before 11 o'clock. The Mayor and Commonalty to make Burgesses (or Freemen) as often as they pleased for the government of the town.
Plymouth was the home or birthplace, not of one distinguished sailor of the Hawkins family only, but of three generations in succession, of men who were celebrated as naval heroes for a period of one hundred years, extending over the reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., Queen Mary, Queen Elizabeth, and James I.
These Hawkinses were an extraordinary race—"gentlemen," as Prince quaintly phrases, "of worshipful extraction for several descents," but made more worshipful by their deeds. "For three generations they were the master spirits of Plymouth in its most illustrious days; its leading merchants, its bravest sailors, serving oft and well in the civic chair and in the House of Commons. For three generations too they were in the van of English seamanship; founders of England's commerce in south and west and east; stout in fight, of quenchless spirit in adventure—a family of merchants, statesmen, and heroes, to whom our country affords no parallel."
The arms of Hawkins, as given above, were probably used from the time of Edward III. The castle of Manconseil was taken and garrisoned by three hundred men, under Rabigois of Derry, an Irishman, and Franklyn and Hawkins, two English esquires, in 1358. The origin of these arms is most likely from this expedition, the scaling ladder being represented by the saltire, and the fleurs-de-lis being on the standard of France, which was captured.
The name of Hawkins is derived from the village of Hawking, in the Hundred of Folkstone. Osbert de Hawking, in the reign of Henry II., was an ancestor of Andrew Hawkins of Nash Court, near Faversham, Kent, in the reign of Edward III.; which Andrew married Joan de Nash, an heiress, by whom the Hawkinses became possessed of Nash Court, and from whom are' descended the Hawkinses of Devon.
A branch of the Hawkinses of Nash Court probably settled in Plymouth during the fifteenth century. John Hawkins held lands in the town under the Corporation before 1480, and was dead by or before 1490, when his heirs held them. This was before the Hawkinses were at Tavistock.*
William Hawkins, son of John Hawkins (who had lived at Tavistock), and Joan, daughter of William Amadas, of Launceston, was born probably at Plymouth towards the end of the fifteenth century. He was an officer in the navy of King Henry VIII. Being one of the principal sea captains in the West of England, he obtained a high and just reputation for his skill and experience, and was held in great esteem and favour by the King. He is thought to be the same Hawkins who in 1513 was master of the "Great Galley," one of the few Royal ships of that time.
This William Hawkins was a man of large fortune and estates, owning considerable property in Plymouth, and one of the richest (if not the richest) men in the town. His name stands fifth on the oldest extant list of Plymouth freemen. He was Receiver of Plymouth in 1524-1525; and in the Corporation books he is mentioned in 1527-1528, when he with others manned the bulwarks to defend the "arrogosye ageynst the ffrenchemen."
Item received of tharrogosyet for defending their ship against the French- men that would have taken her, xvju xiv" ivd. Hawkins also sold to the town a quantity of gunpowder, 196 lbs. at 6d. a lb., and two brass guns, paid for in three annual instalments of £8. The first voyage into the Southern Seas in which any Englishman was
- The family occur as holding property in Plymouth in a rent roll of 1485. t The argosy; probably a large Spanish merchantman. concerned was that of Sebastian Cabot, from Seville to the River Plate, in April, 1527. This expedition was set forth by Spanish merchants; but one Robert Thome and his partner advanced 1,400 ducats, "principally for that two Englishmen, friendes of mine,* which are somewhat learned in cosmographie, should goc in the same ships, to bring me certain relation of the situation of the country, and to be expert in the nauigation of those seas."
The voyage was intended for the Moluccas. We have no means of knowing who these two "cosmographical Englishmen" were; but the first independent expeditions, and the first to proceed from England, to the thereafter famous Spanish Main, sailed from Plymouth Sound, and were the private ventures of our Plymouth merchant, William Hawkins the elder, who was thus one of the earliest pioneers to Brazil in the reign of Henry the Eighth.
As William Hawkins made at least three voyages (the second and third in 1530 and 1532 respectively), his earliest can hardly have been later than 1528, when "he armed out a tall and goodlie ship of his own of 200 tons," called the Paul of Plymouth; his desire being to venture further than the ordinary short voyages made to the various coasts of Europe at that time. In this ship William Hawkins made his three long and famous voyages to Brazil—"a thing very rare in those days, especially for our nation"!—touching at the coast of Guinea, where he trafficked with the negroes, and procured elephants' teeth and other commodities, and then crossing the Atlantic to Brazil to exchange his cargo for other goods, with which he returned to England. In Brazil he behaved himself so wisely with the savage people that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them; insomuch that on his second voyage, in 1530, one of their savage kings was contented to take ship and return with him to see the wonders of England; Captain Hawkins leaving Martin Cockeram, of Plymouth, behind as a pledge of their king's safe return.
They arrived safely in England, and the Brazilian chief was taken to Whitehall and presented to Henry VIII. On seeing him the King and Court were much astonished, and not, as was said, without cause; "for in his cheeks were holes made, and therein small bones were planted, standing an inch out from the said holes, which in his own country was reported for a great bravery. He had also another hole in his nether lip, wherein was set a precious stone about the bigness of a pease; all his apparell, behaviour, and gesture were very
• Thorne. t IlAKLUYT.
strange to the beholders"—as may be imagined; he being the first savage chief brought to England.
"Having spent nearly a year in this country, and the King with his sight fully satisfied, Captain Hawkins was returning with him to Brazil; but it fell out on the way that, by change of air and alteration of diet, the savage king died at sea, which was feared would be the cause of Martin Cockeram, his pledge, being put to death by the savages; but they were persuaded of the honest dealing of our men with their prince, and restored the hostage to his friends, who with their ship freighted and furnished with the goods of the country, returned to England." Martin Cockeram lived at Plymouth for many years after this adventure.
William Hawkins made his third voyage in 1532, and on his return was chosen Mayor of Plymouth, 1532-3. In which year "King Henry VIII. married Anne Bollen, in November, 1532; Queen Katharine being divorced by Parliament. Queen Elizabeth was born 7th September, 1534."* In 1535 Hawkins lent money to the Corporation of Plymouth, receiving £4 a year until the loan was returned.
He was again Mayor in 1538-9, the year in which the King first established a Council for the West at Tavistock, and images in churches were pulled down. In 1539 he was elected "Burgess," or member of Parliament, with James Horswell.
Thus William Hawkins was one of the oldest members of the Plymouth Corporation, when, in 1540, he duly accounted for the proceeds of the "Church juells, plate, and furniture," taken by the Corporation at the Reformation, which had been delivered to him when mayor, and sold, apparently in London. A much larger quantity of Church plate and jewels was handed to him in 1543-4, "to by therwth for the towne gunpowder, bowys, & for arrowys." These were purchased in London—10 barrels of gunpowder, 20 bows, and 30 sheaves of arrows.
Plymouth at this time, as would appear from the practical use thus made of the Church property as relics of Popery, had become strongly Puritan. During Queen Elizabeth's reign the local Puritan feeling, moreover, grew by the Huguenots making the port their head-quarters, and also by the frequent expeditions made from Plymouth against the Spaniards. William Hawkins himself was thoroughly imbued with the Reforming spirit.
In 1544, William Hawkins purchased the manor of Sutton Valletort, or
• Plymouth Corporation Records, in which it was the custom to enter the more remarkable events, local and national.
Vawter (which remained in the Hawkins family until 1637-8), of Sir Hugh Pollard, for 1000 marks; and his other property in Plymouth included quays and warehouses on Sutton Pool. Among the deeds entered in the Plymouth "Black Book" we find, "28th Henry VIII., Margery Pyne and others to Wm. Hawkins, merchant, conveyance of a tenement and garden in a certain venella, on the east of Kinterbury Street." In 1545, one between Peter Gryslyng and William Hawkyns; while 37th Henry VIII. a deed was registered in the "Black Book" transferring property in Plymouth from John Talazon, of North Petherwin, to William Hawkins.
In 1545-6, £4 was paid to Wm. Hawkins "for the Burgesses of the Parliament;" while in 1547 he was again chosen to represent the community, and in the following year received £14 for his services. He must have been very popular in Plymouth; for he was also elected member of Parliament in 1553, with Roger Budokeside (a connection of his through his mother, Joan Amadas). He died towards the close of the year.
A deed dated 8 February, 1554,* states that "Henry Hawkins clerkt (in orders), recently of Plymouth, brother and heir of William Hawkins Merchant recently deceased, for a sum of money gives up land in Plymouth to William Hawkins son of Joan Trelawny."
William Hawkins married Joan, sole daughter and heiress of Roger Trelawny, Esq., of Brightorre, third son of Sir John Trelawny and Blanche Pownde. J
His two sons, William and John Hawkins, the distinguished seamen and naval heroes, entered the service with great advantages, owing to the wealth and experience of their father.
• The family of Hawkins of Cornwall also come from and bear the arms of Hawkins of Nash Court, Kent. The ancestor of the late Sir Christopher Hawkins, Bart., of Trewithan, settled in Cornwall in 1554. It is probable that he went into Cornwall from Plymouth, and was the Henry Hawkins mentioned above, who in this year 1554 describes himself as recently of Plymouth.
t Edmund Tremayne's father, in 1524, presented Henry Hawkins with the living of Lamerton. % Over the west gate of the town of Launceston, now removed, were the arms and effigy of Henry V., below which was the following rhyme—
"lie that will do aught for mee, Let hym love well Sir John Tirlawnee." Sir John Trelawny was with the King at Agincourt in 1415, and as a reward for his bravery had the three oak, or laurel leaves, added to the family arms, with a pension of ,£20 per annum.
Clje Second antlliam Datolitns.
fAPTAIN WILLIAM HAWKINS, elder brother of Sir John Hawkins, was admitted to the freedom of Plymouth in 1553, where he held a most influential position, as extracts from the Corporation Records show. He was regarded as Governor of Plymouth; and had more to do with the affairs of the town than any man of his time.
In 1561 we have "Item paid to Mr Hawkins for money paid at Bristol for inrolling the Charter £1;" and also "paid to Mr Hawkins for fetching of the Ordynance from the Island to the Castle £2."
The Hawkinses owned considerable property in the vicinity of Sutton Pool; and in 1558 an Act of Parliament fixed Hawkins's Quay as the sole legal quay for landing goods. It was afterwards the property of Sir John, and then of his son Sir Richard Hawkins.
Captain William Hawkins was Mayor of Plymouth in 1567-8, when the earliest code of bye-laws extant for the regulation of Sutton Pool and the shipping therein was passed. Also "the wache on Midsummer night was renewed, which had not been used XX years before that time;" and the large sum (!) of 2s. 4^. was paid for the " newe cuttinge of the Gogmagoge, the picture of the Giant, at the Hawe." The last vestiges of this ancient memorial on the Hoe disappeared in 1671, no doubt to make room for the Citadel.
In this year (1567-8) the war in the Low Countries began; and Mary Queen of Scots fled into England, and was imprisoned in the Castle of Carlisle. •
William Hawkins was a large shipowner, and in 1568 his Plymouth cruisers were the terror of Spain; and not only was he a wealthy shipowner and
- Plymouth Corporation Records.
merchant prince, but, like so many members of his family, a renowned sea captain. He saw sharp service in the Spanish Main at Porto Rico, held a commission under the Prince of Condd, and made Cattewater a rendezvous —coming as he did from a staunch Protestant family—of the Huguenot fleet. Elizabeth assisted the Huguenots to maintain the civil war in France by supplying the Prince of Conde with 50,000 crowns and ten ships of war, wherewith he was enabled to raise the blockade of Rochelle, and to take the field with his land forces, which the Duke of Guise had shut up in that port.
In 1568 the Duke of Alva had expected* that the wars in the Netherlands would pay their own expenses, and had promised Philip that a stream of gold a yard deep should flow into the Spanish treasury from the confiscated hoards of the heretic traders. The troops had won victories, but they had gained no plunder by them, and were fast breaking into dangerous mutiny. So pressing were the Duke's difficulties that the King of Spain had to borrow £500,000 from two banking-houses at Genoa. The contract required them to deliver the loan in silver dollars at Antwerp, and the chests were sent round by sea, being divided among many vessels for safety. Information of the prize getting wind, the precious fleet had been chased, scattered, and driven into the English harbours, and the treasure for which Alva was waiting was hiding in Fowey, Plymouth, and Southampton.
Diaz, the captain of one of these treasure ships, on entering Plymouth harbour, found thirteen French cruisers there, with six English consorts, carrying the flag of the Prince of Conde\ They were scouring the Channel, their commissions empowering them, in the service of God, to seize any Catholic ship that they came across, of any nation. They brought in their prizes under the eyes of Diaz and sold them, the Mayort being one of the most forward purchasers.
Diaz began to fear that there was no escape for him, and he had special ground for uneasiness. John Hawkins had not yet returned from San Juan de Ulloa,J nor had any news of him arrived; but the disaster was known on board the Spanish ships, and as most of the cruisers at Plymouth were owned by William Hawkins, the Spaniards feared that unless they could extricate themselves before the truth came out short work would be made of them. They knew that Sir John might be looked for any day. To put Plymouth in good humour therefore, one of them, who professed to have just returned from the Indies,
- Froude. t William Hawkins.
% Vide Chapter III. C pretended to bring the information for which the town was longing, and dressed his tale to flatter the national pride and gratify Hawkins's friends and family. "Sir John had been in the enchanted garden of Aladdin, and had loaded himself with gold and jewels. He had taken a ship with 800,000 ducats, sacked a town, and taken heaps of pearls and jewels. A Spanish fleet of forty-four sail had passed a harbour where he was dressing his ships. On board this Spanish fleet a council of war had been held to consider the prudence of attacking him; but the admiral had said,' For the ships that be in harbour I will not deal with them, for they being monstrous ships will sink some of us and put us to the worst, wherefore let us depart on our voyage.' And so they did. 'The worst boy in those ships might be a captain for riches;' and the Spaniard wished he had been one of them."
This story might have answered its end had there been time enough for it to work; but the wind which brought the fable brought the truth behind it. Two days later William Hawkins sent to Cecil the news of the real catastrophe.
The first rumour of the disaster at San Juan de Ulloa—where the treacherous Spaniards fell upon and massacred the English, in the fleet under John Hawkins, during peace between England and Spain—reached William Hawkins at Plymouth by the 3rd December, 1568, in a letter from Spain, written by Benedick Spinola, saying that the English fleet was totally destroyed. This was a declaration of the purposed treachery and intentions of Spain—there not being time enough for the news to have reached England from Ulloa at this date.
The report was enough for William Hawkins. He at once wrote to Cecil, asking that enquiry might be made, and recompense taken of "King Philip's treasure here in these parts." However, if the Queen would not "meddle in the matter," he asked no more than that her subjects should be allowed to do so. "Then I trust we should not only have recompense to the uttermost, but also do as good service as is to be desired, with so little cost. And I hope to please God best therein, for that they are God's enemies."
It was not until the 20th January, 1569, that there was full assurance of the evil tidings. That night the Judith reached Plymouth; and that night, without a moment's delay, William Hawkins sent a letter to the Privy Council, and one to Cecil, with such hasty details as he could bring together, sending also his "kinsman and servant," young Francis Drake, who had returned in the Judith, reporting that Hawkins and all with him were massacred by the treacherous Spaniards, as bearer of the news. What had become of his brother John he knew not. "My brothers safe return is very dangerous and doubtfull." But he knew very well that his brother and himself had lost at least £2000, and as the acting partner moved for recompense, either out "of those Spanyards goods here stayed," or what he thought still more satisfactory, by the Queen giving "me leave to work my own force against them." Four ships he was ready to set forth at once of his own, besides one already in commission.
William Hawkins to Sir William Cecil.
Right Honorable,—My bownden dewtye alwayes had in Remembrance it may please your honor to be advertisyd that this present hour there is come to Plymouth one of the small barkes of my brothers fleat, and for that I have neither wrytynge nor any thing else from him I thought it good and moste my dewty, to send you the capetayne of the same barke, being our kinsman called Fransyes Dracke for that he shall thoroughly informe your honor of the whole proceedyngs of these affayres to the end the Quenes Ma,ic may be advertisyd of the same, and for that it doth plainly appear of their manyfest injuries from time to time offered, and our losses only in this voyage two thousand pounds at at least, besydes my brothers absense, which unto me is more grefe than any other thing in this world, whom I trust, as god hathe preserved, wyll likewise preserve, and send well home in safety.
In the meane tyme my humble suit unto your honor is that the Quene's Majeste will when time shall serve see me, her humble and obedyent subjecte, partly recompensed, of those Spanyards goods here stayd.
And further if it shall please her grace to give me Leave to work my own selfe against them, to the end I may be the better recompensed, I shall be the more bownde unto her highnes which I pray god long to live, to the glory of god, and the comfort of her subjectes. If I may have any warrant from her MaH' or from your honor I shall be glad to set forth four ships of mine own presently I have already commission from the Cardanal Shatyllyon for one ship to serve the princes of Navare and Conndye but I may not presume any further without commission in these things I shall desire your honors to be advertisyd by my servant Francis Dracke and I shall daily pray for your honors estate long to endure.
From Plymouth the xxlh of January at night 1568.
By your honors always to command
[Endorsed] To the right honorable Sir Wm CeciL* • Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) [This is No. 36, vol. 49; No. 37 is the same, with the following addition.]
And for that my brothers safe return is very dangerous and doubtfull, but that it resteth in gods hands who send him well if it be his blessed will
By your honors always
[Endorsed] To the Right honorable and my singular good Lordes, the Lordes of the Privy Counsell.*
When William Hawkins was thus moving the Court to allow him to declare war on his own account, his brother—whose absence was to him "more grefe than any other thing in this world"—was near the English shores, reaching Mount's Bay with the Minion on the 25th January, 1568; whereupon "one of the Mount for good wyll came away immediately in poste" to Plymouth.
William Hawkins to Sir William Cecil.
Ryght Honorabell,—My bownden dewty alwayes had in Remembrance it may please your honor to be advertysed that I am credybly informyd of my brothers aryvall with the Menyon in Mounts bay in Cornwall not from hym nor any of his company but by one of the Mount for good wyll came immediately away in poste uppon the speache of one of his men who was sent a lande for help of men and also for cables and ankeres for that they had but one, and their men greatly weekened by reson he put ashore in the Indyas a C. [hundred] of his men for the salfe gard of the reste and also that he should caste overbowrde not v days before xlv men more and the rest being a lyve, were fain to live vij days uppon a noxe heyde [an ox head] who uppon the wind being esterly I sent away, for his sucker a barke with xxxiiij mariners store of flesh vytles two ankers iij cables and store of small warpes with other necessaries as I thought good. I am assured to hear from him self this night at the furthest and then I will certify your honor with spead agayne, and so for this tyme I leave to trouble your honor any further praying for the increase of your honors estate. From Plymouth the 27th of January 1568
By your honors always to comande,
[Endorsed] To the right honorable Sir Wm Syssell Knt.*
William Hawkins did not neglect local affairs for national or personal. The New Conduit was built by him in 1569-70, and was apparently associated with the Market Cross, which stood in Old Town near the
intersection of Treville Street. In 1578-9, while he was Mayor, "the Governor's House on the Barbican was builded;" and in 1579-1580 he had also the charge of procuring the patent which gave Plymouth authority over St. Nicholas Island with its fortifications.
Itm pd to Wm Hawkins esquyre for money laid out in pcuring the patent for the Ilonde, and for his charge in the suit thereof xxij//. In 1580, he, together with Thomas Edmonds, was commissioned to seal with the common seal the necessary documents relating to the transfer of that island to the Crown.
In 1580 the King of Spain seized the kingdom of Portugal, whose king came into England, and lay awhile at Mount Edgcumbe. 1580-1. The plague was so great in Plymouth that the mayor was chosen on Cat Down. 600 persons died; [a sign Plymouth was then but thinly peopled, and a small town]. 1584-5. The Queen undertakes the protection of the Hollanders. The Barbican stairs built; the Queen gives a rent of ^39 10s. 10d. for the maintenance of the Island.* In 1581-2 Hawkins sailed on a voyage to the West Indies, taking with him his nephew, Sir Richard Hawkins.
During this voyage they visited the Margarita pearl fishery. "In anno 1583, in the island of Margarita, I was at the dredging of pearl oysters, after the manner we dredge oysters in England; and with my own hands I opened many, and took the pearls out of them, some greater, some less, and in good quantity."t
When Drake, in 1585, without opposition burnt San Jago, Cates, who wrote the account of the voyage, says, that none of the officials or the inhabitants came and asked the English that aught might be spared.! "The cause of their unreasonable distrust (as I do take it) was the fresh remembrance of the great wrong they had done to old Mr. William Hawkins of Plymouth, in the voyage he made four or five years before, when they did both break their promise, and murthered many of his men."
In 1588, the memorable year of the arrival of the Armada, William Hawkins was Mayor of Plymouth, and the great local preparations to meet
• Plymouth Corporation Records.
t Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins.
X Barrow's Life of Drake.
the Spaniards were carried on under his direction. "Several great ships were being made ready for sea." We are also told that " Plymouth fitted out seven stout ships every way equal to the Queen's men of war," evidently owing largely to William Hawkins's experience, and chiefly owned by the Hawkinses. A letter written by William Hawkins from Plymouth, dated 17th February, 1587, gives a vivid description of the work. "The Hope and the Nonpareil are both graved and bottomed and the Revenge now aground. We have and do trim one side of every ship by night and the other by day. The ships get aground so strongly and are so staunch as if they were made of a whole tree. The doing of it is very chargeable [costly], being carried on by torchlights and cressets in the midst of a gale of wind, which consumes pitch, tallow, and furze abundantly." Captain William Hawkins commanded the Griffin, of 200 tons and 100 men, against the Armada.
During his whole life William Hawkins was thus employed in good works for, and improvements in, the town of Plymouth, and engaged in the greatest enterprises set forth by the port. No Plymouth merchant ever held such a position of trust and honour, or used it to such good account.
William Hawkins was married twice. By his first wife he had one son, William, also in the navy, who was afterwards ambassador at the Court of the Great Mogul, and three daughters—Judith, Clare, and Grace. By his second wife, Mary, daughter of John Halse, of Kenedon (by his second wife, Joan, daughter of William Tothill), he had four sons — Richard, Francis, Nicholas, and William, and three daughters—Frances, Mary, and Elizabeth. His widow survived him and became the first wife of Sir Warwick Hele, of Wembury. William Hawkins's three youngest sons were baptised at St. Andrew's Church, Plymouth, in 1582, 1584, and 1587. A daughter (Grace) was buried in 1582, and another daughter (Clare) was married there, in 1587, to Robert Michell.
There is a curious entry in St. Andrew's Church Register which is interesting, as another proof that William Hawkins, and not Humphrey Fownes,* was Mayor the Armada year. "Margarit Crumnell (servant ?) unto Mr. Hawkins, Mayor, was buried 5th July, 1588."
William Hawkins died on the 7th October, 1589, and was buried at Deptford, Kent.
Sir John Hawkins erected a monument to the memory of his brother in St. Nicholas Church, Deptford, which was in existence in Thorpe's time (it is now removed), with this inscription:
"Sacrae perpetuaeque memoriae Gulielmi Hawkyns de Plimouth armigeri; qui verse religionis verus cultor, pauperibus prrecipue naviculariis munificiis, rerum nauticarum- studiosissimus, longinquas instituit saepe navigationes: arbiter in causis difficilissimis aequissimus, fide, probitate, et prudentia singulari. Duos duxit uxores, e quarum una 4 ex altera 7 suscepit liberos. Johannes Hawkyns eques auratus, classis regite qurestor, frater maistissimus posuit. Obiit spe certa resurgendi 7 die mensis Octobris anno domini 1589." The following is a translation:
"To the ever living memory of William Hawkyns of Plymouth esquire; who was a worshipper of the true religion; a munificent benefactor to poor mariners; skilled
- Humphrey Fownes is represented as Mayor in Lucas's picture of the game of bowls.
in navigation; oftentimes undertaking long voyages; a just arbiter in difficult cases; and a man of singular faith, probity, and prudence. He had two wives, four children by one, and seven by the other. John Hawkins, Knight, Treasurer of the Queen's Navy, his brother, most sorrowfully erected this. He died in the sure and certain hope of resurrection, on the 7th day of October, in the year of our Lord 1589."
mill of aSWIuim pjafofetns.
I William Hawkins of Plimouth Esq. 6th Oct. 1589
My body to be buried in place & sort as my brother Sr John Hawkins Knt . & my wife Marie Hawkins shall think most convenient
Concerning my said wife & the children I have now living as well by her as by my former wife, & all my lands I dispose of them as follows:—an annuity of ^40 to William Hawkins my eldest son for life out of my lands in Plimouth
I give all my lands so charged & all my other lands whatsoever to my wife Marie for life, with remainder to Richard Hawkins my eldest son by the said Marie, & to his heirs male, with remainder respectively in tail mail to Francis my 2nd, Nicholas, my 3rd, William my 4th son & my own right heirs for ever
To Judith Whitakers one of my daughters "all that my bargayne of Hindwell"
To William Whitakers her eldest son, my grandchild £10 & to every of her other children ^5.
To Clare Michaell my daughter ^40
[Several legacies to servants.]
All the rest of my goods to be divided into 3 equal parts, one 3rd part to be divided among all my Children by my wife Marie, another 3rd part to my wife Marie, & the remaining one to my brother Sir John Hawkins
I constitute my wife my sole Executrix, and my brother Sir John Hawkins & Anthony Halse gent, my brother in law my Supervisors
Read, signed & sealed in the presence of Edward Combes, Robert Peterson, W Hales, Thos. Nun, James Finche, Ric. Wood, Ric. Hawkins, Ric. Collyns, Charles Fenton.
Proved in London 20th Oct. 1589 by Marie the relict. [Leicester, 78.]
AWKINS was the patriarch of the great sea-dogs of Elizabeth's reign. Frobisher, Drake, Gilbert, Candish, Ralegh, and others, who subsequently made voyages of discovery, were but boys when he was a man of mark (with the exception perhaps of Frobisher), learning to profit by the wisdom and experience of John Hawkins, the pioneer of English seamen across the Atlantic.
Edmund Spenser, in his "Colin Clout's Come Home Again," speaks of Sir John Hawkins as Proteus.
"And Proteus eke with him does drive his herd Of stinking seals and porcpises together; With hoary head and dewy-dropping beard, Compelling them which way he list and whether." Admiral Sir John Hawkins was one of the most distinguished men of his time: closely connected with the history of our navy, for forty-eight years a gallant commander at sea, and an able administrator on shore. He was the second son of William Hawkins the elder, by Joan Trelawny. Born at Plymouth in 1532, as a youth—like the rest of his family—he made mathematics and navigation his study, and soon began to acquire knowledge, and to make good use of his skill and learning.
Hakluyt tells us that "Master John Hawkins," previous to his first long voyage in 1562, had made several voyages to Spain, Portugal, and the Canary Islands, where he obtained information about the state of West India. Amongst other things he learnt that negroes were in demand at Hispaniola (St . Domingo), and that they could be easily procured upon the coast of Guinea. He resolved to make trial of this, and communicated his plan to his friends, the greatest traders in London — namely, Sir Lionel Ducket, Sir Thomas Lodge, Mr. Gonson (his father-in-law), Sir William Winter,
Mr. Bronfield, and others—who were pleased with and contributed largely to the enterprise. Three good ships were immediately provided—the Solomon, of 120 tons, with Hawkins himself as "General" in command; the Swallow, of 100 tons, Captain Thomas Hampton; and the Jonas, a bark of 40 tons, "wherein the master supplied the captain's room, in which small fleet M. Hawkins took with him not above 100 men, for fear of sickness and other inconveniences;" and "this little squadron was the first English fleet which navigated the West Indian seas. This voyage opened those seas to the English."
Hawkins sailed on his first long voyage in October, 1562, and in his course touched first at Teneriffe, where he received friendly entertainment. Thence he went to Sierra Leone, where he stayed, and got possession of 300 negroes, with other merchandise. With this cargo he sailed "over the ocean sea" to St. Domingo, where he peaceably exchanged the negroes at the ports of Isabella, Port Plata, and Monte Christi for such a quantity of merchandise, that besides his own three ships, which were laden with hides, ginger, sugars, and some quantity of pearls, he also freighted two hulks with goods, which he sent to Spain, in command of Captain Hampton, to dispose of the merchandise at Cadiz. This cargo was confiscated, and Hawkins lost half his profits. The loss was estimated by him at 40,000 ducats. "Fearless of man or devil, he thought of going in person to Madrid, and taking Philip by the beard in his own den."* Also an order was sent to the West Indies, by the Spanish Government, that for the future no English ship should be allowed to trade there.
Having dispatched the hulks for Spain, Hawkins departed from St. Domingo and sailed for England, where he arrived in September, 1563.
John Hawkins is often stigmatised as the first Englishman engaged in the slave trade. He was not, as his first voyage to Guinea and the West Indies was in 1562, while nine years previously, "in 1553, John Lok was tempted to the African shores by the ivory and gold dust; and he (first of Englishmen), discovering that the negroes were a people of beastly living, without God, law, religion, or commonwealth, gave some of them opportunity of a life in creation, and carried them off as slaves. It is noticeable that on their first appearance on the West Coast of Africa the English visitors were received by the natives with marked cordiality. The slave trade had hitherto been a monopoly of the Spaniards and Portuguese. It had been established in concert with the native chiefs, as a means of relieving the tribes of bad subjects,
who would otherwise have been hanged. Thieves, murderers, and suchlike were taken down to the depots and sold to the West Indian traders."*
"No blame attaches to the conduct of John Hawkins in undertaking a venture which all the world in those days looked upon as legitimate, and even as beneficial. It was in 1517 that Charles V. issued royal licences for the importation of negroes into the West Indies, and in 1551 a licence for importing 17,000 negroes was offered for sale. The measure was adopted from philanthropic motives, and was intended to preserve the Indians. It was looked upon as prudent and humane, even if it involved some suffering on the part of a far inferior race. The English were particularly eager to enter upon the slave trade; and by the treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, England at length obtained the 'asiento,' giving her the exclusive right to carry on the slave trade between Africa and the Spanish Indies for thirty years. So strong was the party in favour of this trade in England, that the contest for its abolition was continued for forty-eight years, from 1759 to 1807. It is not therefore John Hawkins alone who can justly be blamed for the slave trade, but the whole English people during 250 years, who must all divide the blame with him."t
"To himself," as Mr. Worth observes, "as to all but a very few among his contemporaries, his deeds were not only allowable, but praiseworthy. The Queen and many men of name shared in the expeditions. The sea-dogs of those days were neither slavers nor buccaneers; they regarded themselves 'as the elect, to whom God had given the heathen for an inheritance.' Now we are content with the heathen land only; but
'You take my life When you do take the means whereby I live."'
Merchant of Venice, Act IV., Scene 1.
"It is interesting to note that in all the early narratives of the slave trade there is no intimation that it involved cruelty or any form of wrong."
On the 18th October, 1564, Captain John Hawkins sailed from Plymouth on his second long voyage in command of the Queen's famous ship the Jesus of Lubck,% of 700 tons, and as "General" of the Solomon, 140 tons, and her two barques the Tiger of 50, and the Swallow of 30 tons, with 170 men. His sailing orders concluded with the quaint advice from Queen Elizabeth, to "serve God daily, love one another, preserve your victuals, beware of fire, and keepe good companie."§ This expedition was on a much larger
• Froude. f Clements Markham, Introduction to Ha-fkins' Vovagrs.
X Sla. Pa. Dom. (vol. xxxvii. No. 61). \ Hakluyt.
scale than the previous one, and was prolonged so as to become an important voyage of discovery. The Earls of Pembroke and Leicester were among the adventurers.
John Sparke, who sailed with Hawkins, wrote a most interesting account of the voyage, with details respecting the various places in Africa and the West Indies touched at, including an account of Florida. It is the first narrative of a Plymouth expedition that was written and published in England by an eye-witness. Sparke was subsequently Mayor of Plymouth, in 1583-4 and 1591-2. The little fleet departed from Plymouth with a fair wind, but on the 21st October were overtaken by a severe storm which obliged them to put into Ferrol, where they remained a few days, then proceeding on their voyage. Arrived at the Isle of Palmes, Teneriffe, Canaries, at first the inhabitants were unwilling to make friends, but afterwards Pedro de Ponte, Governor of Santa Cruz, entertained Hawkins most kindly. Thence they sailed to the Cape Verde Islands, to Sambula, and to Bymba, where the assault of the town brought disaster; for the Portuguese told Hawkins that this place contained great quantities of gold, and that it would yield one hundred slaves, which determined him to attack. Meeting with unexpected and considerable resistance, the English were driven to their boats, having procured ten negroes only, with the loss of seven of their best men, including Field, Captain of the Solomon, besides twenty-seven wounded. Hawkins felt this loss deeply, although he in " a singular wise manner carried himself, with countenance very cheerful outwardly, as though he did little weigh the death of his men, nor yet the great hurt of the rest; although his heart inwardly was broken in pieces for it." The chief blame for this misadventure was laid to the Portuguese, who were " not to be trusted."
From Bymba they departed to Taggarin. Here the Swallow sailed up the river Casseroes to traffic, and they saw great towns of the negroes, and canoes that held sixty men apiece. "On the 18th January, at night, we departed from Taggarin, being bound for the West Indies," writes John Sparke; but just before they sailed, "the King of Sierra Leona had made all the power he could, to take some of us, partly for the desire he had to see what kind of people we were that had spoiled his people at the Idols, whereof he had news before our coming, and also upon other occasions provoked by the Tangomangos; but sure we were that the army was come down, by means that in the evening we saw such a monstrous fire, made by the watering place. If these men had come down in the evening, they had done us great displeasure, for that we were on shore filling water."
Sailing towards the West Indies they were becalmed for twenty-one days, at intervals having contrary winds and some tornadoes. This delay shortened the supply of victuals and water, and after some inconvenience they arrived at Dominica, where, and in the adjacent islands, "the cannibals are the most desperate warriors that are in the Indies by the Spaniards' report, who are never able to conquer them." None of the natives appeared, and departing thence Hawkins sailed for Santa Fe, where there was a good watering place, and the natives presented them with "a kind of corn called maize, in bigness of pease, the ear whereof is much like to a teasel, but a span in length, having thereon a number of grains. Also they brought down to us hens, potatoes, and pines," which were exchanged for beads, knives, whistles, and other trifles. "These potatoes be the most delicate roots that may be eaten, and do far exceed their parsnips or carrots."
Potatoes* were first imported into Europe, in 1565, by Hawkins, from Santa Fe, in Spanish America; planted first in Ireland by Sir Walter Ralegh, who had an estate there. A total ignorance of what part of the plant was proper food had nearly prevented any further attention to its culture; for the green apples on the stem were supposed to be the eatable part; and these being boiled, and found unpalatable, the idea of growing potatoes was abandoned. Accident discovered the real fruit, owing to the ground being turned over through necessity that season, when a plentiful crop was discovered underground, which, being boiled, proved good to the taste, whereupon the cultivation of potatoes was continued. Some authors say that Sir John imported potatoes in 1563, in September, on his return from his first voyage to America.
Departing from Santa Fe, they directed their course along the coast to the town of Burburata, where, having ended their traffic without disturbance, they set sail for Curacao. Here they "had traffic for hides, and found great refreshing both of beef, mutton, and lambs. The increase of cattle in this island is marvellous, which from a dozen of each sort brought thither by the Governor, in twenty-five years had a hundred thousand at the least. We departed from Curacao being not a little to the rejoicing of our Captain and us, that we had ended our traffic; for notwithstanding our sweet meat we had sour sauce by reason of our riding so open at sea, and contrary winds blowing."
Passing a little island called Aruba, they came to Rio de la Hauche, so called from the first Spanish settlers giving the natives a hatchet, to show • These were sweet (convolvulus) potatoes.
them where water might be found. Here they landed, and met with some difficulty about exchanging goods, on account of the order sent from Spain to have no dealings with the English. On hearing of this order, "our Captain replied, that he was in an Armada of the Queen's Majesty of England," and driven by contrary winds to come into those parts, where he hoped to find such friendship as he should do in Spain, in that there was amity betwixt their princes." But seeing that "contrary to all reason they would withstand his traffic," Hawkins ordered a cannon to be fired to summon the town, and with a hundred men in armour went ashore; whereupon the people came to the shore in battle array. Hawkins, "perceiving them so brag," discharged two guns from his boats, "which put them in no small fear . . . at every shot they fell flat to the ground, and as we approached near unto them they broke their array, and dispersed themselves for fear of the ordinance." Hawkins was putting his men in order to march forward and encounter the enemy, when they sent a messenger with a flag of truce —and a friendly traffic was agreed to.
"In this river we saw many crocodiles of sundry bignesses, but some as big as a boat, with four feet, a long broad mouth, and a long tail, whose skin is so hard that a sword will not pierce it." Hawkins and his sailors disliked the alligators, or crocodiles as they called them. John Sparke writes, " His nature is ever, when he would have his praie, to crie and sobbe like a Christian bodie to provoke them to come to him, and then he snatcheth at them; and thereupon came this proverbe that is applied unto women when they weepe Lachrymal Crocodile, the meaning whereof is that as the crocodile when he cricth goeth then about to deceive, so doth a woman most commonly when she wecpeth."
"Shakspcre, who was about this time writing his 'King Henry VI,' apparently borrowed from Sir John Hawkins this story, and introduced it."
"As the mournful crocodile With sorrow snares relenting passengers."
2 Henry VI. iii. I.
They now departed for St. Domingo and Jamaica, and on the 20th June fell in with the western end of Cuba. With a north-east wind they ranged along the coast of Florida, at that time supposed to be an island, the captain in the ship's pinnace going into every creek to enquire of the Floridians where the French colonists dwelt. Sailing up the May river, they discovered three French ships, and obtained information that M. Laudonniere with his soldiers were some miles higher up the river, in a fort which they had built. Here Hawkins found and greatly relieved the distressed Frenchmen, giving them provisions and other necessaries, and to help them to return home, "we spared them one of our barks of 50 tons."
"The Floridians when they travel have a kind of herb dried [tobacco], which with a cane, and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried herbs put together; do suck through the cane the smoke thereof, which smoke satisfieth their hunger, and herewith they live four or five days without meat or drink, and this all the Frenchcmen used for this purpose: yet do they hold opinion withall, that it causeth water and phlegm to void from their stomachs." *
Sir Richard Hawkins observes, in his Voyage to the South Sea, that "with drinking [smoking] of tobacco it is said that the Roebucke was burned in the range at Dartmouth."
The introduction of tobacco into England is attributed to Sir John Hawkins, on his return from his third voyage in January, 1569, by Stow; and also by John Taylor, the Water Poet, in his Prosaical Postcript to the Old, Old, Very Old Man, &c. (4to., 1635). Another account says that Sir John introduced tobacco into England in 1564, which seems the more likely, as tobacco is mentioned in the account of this second voyage.
The Floridians did not esteem gold or silver, being ignorant of their value. They wore flat pieces of gold as ornaments. "As for mines, the Frenchmen can hear of none, and how they come by this gold and silver they know not. The Frenchmen obtained pearls of them of great bigness, but they were black, by means of roasting them." From hence Hawkins departed, on the 28th July, navigating the coasts of Virginia and Newfoundland, upon his homeward voyage, after taking leave of the French, who were to follow with all diligence. Contrary winds, however, prolonged the voyage "in such manner that victuals scanted with us, so that we were divers in despair of ever coming home . . . after which with a good large wind the 20 of September we came to Padstow in Cornwall God be thanked, in safety, with the loss of 20 persons in all the voyage, and profitable to the venturers of the said voyage, as also to the whole Realm, in bringing home both gold, silver, pearls, and other jewels great store. His name be praised for ever more. Amen. The names of certain gentlemen that were in this voyage: M. John Hawkins; M. John Chester, Sir William Chester's son; M. Anthony Parkhurst; M. Fitzwilliam; M. Thomas Woorley; M. Edward Lacy, with divers others." \
- Sparke. t Hakluyt.
Whereas the Quene's Malie did of late at the petition and desier of the right honorable The Erie of Pembrock and the Erie of Leyceter graunte vnto their honors her Ma"M shipp called the Jesus with ordinance tackle and apparell, beinge in sorte able and meete to serve a voyage to the Costes of Affrica and America, which shipp with her ordinance tackle and apparell was praysed by ffowre indifferent persons to be worth xvs. lyl. [,£2012 15*. 21/.] for the
answeringe wherof to the quenes Malie the said Erles did become bounde to her Highnes either to redeliver the said shipp the Jesus at Gillingham before the feast of Christmas next comynge with her ordnance tackle and apparell in as good and ample manner as the same was at the tyme of the recevinge, or els to paie unto her Highnes the foresaid ^2012 15.?. 2d. at that daie. And nowe forasmuche as we do understand that the said shipp the Jesus is returned into this realme in savetie from the viadge aforesaid pretended, and presentlie remayneth in the west countrie in a harborowgh called Padstowe, from whence she cannot be convenyently browght abowt to Gillingham before the springe of the next yere, and that the said Lordes are contented to allowe unto her Matic as well for the wearing of the said shipp her ordinance tackle and apparell As also for the chardges which may be sustayned for the bringinge abowt of the said shipp to the harborowgh of Gillingham the some of vcli [^500] readie monney to be paid into her Highnes office of the Admyraltie to Benyamyn Gonson her graces Treasorer whiche some of ^500 we her Highnes officers whose names are underwritten do thinke the same sufficyent for the repayringe and furnyshinge of the ordinance tackle and apparell with the said shipp in as ample manner as the same was delivered to the said Erles. Written the xxiij"' of October 1565.
W. WVNTER. WlLLM. HOLSTOCK.
Benjamin Gonson. G.(?) Wynter.*
Hawkins is the name of a county of Tennessee, U.S. (area 750 square miles), commemorating the discoveries of Hawkins during this voyage.
In the account of "The Arrival and Courtesy of M. Hawkins to the Distressed Frenchmen in Florida, recorded both in French and English in the history of Laudonierre, written by himself, and published in Paris 1586," M. Laudonierre speaks of Hawkins's great kindness to the French, "wherein doubtless he hath won the reputation of a good and charitable man, deserving to be esteemed as much of us all as if he had saved our lives."
These voyages obtained for Hawkins a great reputation as a seaman, and also gained for him, to a large extent, the confidence of Queen Elizabeth and the Government.
Hawkins thought it prudent to make light of his victory over the King of Spain. "I have always," he said in a letter to Queen Elizabeth, "been a help
- Sta. ra. Dom. (Eliz.)
to all Spaniards and Portugals that have come in my way, without any form or prejudice offered by me to any of them, although many times in this tract they have been under my power."* "I met him in the palace," wrote the Spanish Ambassador in London to King Philip, in November, "and invited him to dine with me. He gave me a full account of his voyage, keeping back only the way in which he had contrived to trade at our ports. He assured me, on the contrary, that he had given the greatest satisfaction to all the Spaniards with whom he had had dealings, and had received full permission from the governors of the towns where he had been. The vast profit made by the voyage had excited other merchants to undertake similar expeditions. Hawkins himself is going out again next May, and the thing needs immediate attention. I might tell the Queen that, by his own confession, he had traded in ports prohibited by your Majesty, and require her to punish him, but I must request your Majesty to give me full and clear instructions what to do."t
"Accidents delayed the equipment of Hawkins's fleet until October. Meanwhile the remonstrances of Philip had their effect; and just as Hawkins was on the point of starting, a letter arrived at Plymouth from Cecil, forbidding him in the Queen's name to traffic at places privileged by the King of Spain, and requiring from him a bond in £500 to this effect before his vessels started. Hawkins executed the bond 31 Oct., 1566, and dispatched the ships, himself remaining at home." Of this expedition no detailed record exists, but in all probability it was a successful voyage, and paved the way for his third famous expedition.
In the early part of the year 1567 Hawkins sailed to the relief of the French Protestants. On returning from France, while awaiting the Queen's orders with the fleet at Plymouth, an amusing incident happened, of which Sir Richard Hawkins writes an account. "I being of tender years, there came a fleet of Spaniards of above 50 sail, bound for Flanders, to fetch the Queen, Donna Anna de Austria, last wife to Philip II. of Spain, which entered betwixt the island and the main without vayling their top-sayles, or taking in of their flags: which my father, Sir John Hawkins (admirall of a fleet of her majesties ships, then riding in Cattwater), perceiving, commanded his gunner to shoot at the flag of the admiral, that they might thereby see their error: which, notwithstanding, they persevered arrogantly to keep displayed; whereupon the gunner at the next shot lact the admiral through and through, whereby the Spaniards finding that the matter began to grow to earnest, took in their flags and top-sayles, and so ran to an anchor. The general presently sent his
• Cambridge MS. \ Simancas MS.
boat, with a principal personage to expostulate the cause and reason of that proceeding; but my father would not permit him to come into his ship, nor to hear his message; but by another gentleman commanded him to return, and to tell his general, that in as much as in the Queen's port and chamber, he had neglected to do the acknowledgment and reverence which all owe unto her majestie (especially her ships being present), and comming with so great a navie, he could not but give suspicion by such proceeding of malicious intention, and therefore required him, that within twelve hours he should depart the port, upon pain to be held as a common enemy, and to proceed against him with force. Which answer the general understanding, presently in the same boat came to the Jesus of Lubek, and craved licence to speak with my father, which at first was denied him, but upon the second intreaty was admitted to enter the ship, and to parley." The Spaniard then demanded if there was war between England and Spain, and was answered "that his arrogant manner of proceeding, usurping the queen his mistresses right, as much as in him lay, had given sufficient cause for breach of the peace, and that he [Hawkins] purposed presently to give notice thereof to the queen and her council, and in the mean time, that he might depart. The Spanish admiral replied that he knew not any offence he had committed, and that he would be glad to know wherein he had misbehaved himself. My father seeing he pretended to escape by ignorance, began to put him in mind of the custom of Spain, and France, and many other ports, and that he could by no means be ignorant of that which was common right to all princes in their kingdoms; demanding if an English fleet should come into any port of Spain (the kings majesties ships being present), if the English should carry their flags in the top, whether the Spanish would not shoot them down and if they persevered, if they would not beat them out of their port. The Spanish general confessed his fault, pleaded ignorance not malice, and submitted himself to the penalty my father [Hawkins] would impose; but intreated that their princes (through them) might not come to have any jar. My father a while (as though offended), made himself hard to be intreated, but in the end, all was shut up by his acknowledgement, and the ancient amity renewed, by feasting each other aboard and ashore. The self-same fleet, at their return from Flanders, meeting with her majesties ships in the Channel, though sent to accompany the aforesaid queen, was constrained during the time they were with the English, to vayle their flags, and to acknowledge that which all must do that pass through the English seas."
Immediately before his third voyage, efforts being made to restrain his actions, Hawkins protested that it would be the ruin of himself and others if his expedition was prevented, and addressed the following letter to his sleeping partner, the Queen:
yohn Hawkins to the Queen.
My Soveraigne Good Lady And Mystres,—Your Highnes may be advertised that this daye being the xvjth of September the Portyngales who should have dyrected us this pretended enterpryse have fledd and as I have certayne understanding taken passadge into France, havinge no cawse for that they had of me . better entertaynement then appertayned to suche mean persons, and an army prepared sufficient to doe any resonable enterpryse, but it appeared that they could by no meanes performe their lardge promises, and so having gleaned a piece of money to our merchantes are fledd to deceive some other. And although this enterpryse cannot take effecte (which I think God hath provided for the best) I do ascertayne your highnes that I have provision sufficient and an able army to defend our chardge and to bring home (with gods help) fortye thowsand markes gaynes without the offence of the lest of any of your highnes alyes or friends It shall be no dishonor unto your highnes that your owne servante and subjecte shall in suche an extremitie convert such an enterpryse and turn it both to your highnes honor and to the benefit of your whole realme which I will not enterpryse withowt your highnes consent, but am ready to do what service by your Ma"'-' shall be commaunded yet to shew your highnes the truth I should be undone if your Made should staye the voyadge wherunto I hope your highnes will have some regard. The voyadge I pretend is to lade negroes in Genoya [Guinea] and sell them in the west Indyes in troke [truck] of golde perrels and Esmeraldes wherof I dowte not but to bring home great abondance to the contentation of your highnes and to the releife of a nomber of worthy servitures reddy nowe for this pretended voyadge which otherwise would shortly be dryven to great misery and reddy to commit any folly. Thus having advertysed your highnes the state of this matter do most humbly praye your highnes to signifye your pleasure by this bearer which I shall most willingly accomplish. From Plymouth the xvj"' daye of September 1567.
Your highnes most humble servante
To the quenes most excellent Ma'".*
This third voyage of Sir John Hawkins, of which he wrote a brief account, was made in the years 1567 and 1568. He sailed from Plymouth on the 2nd October, 1567, with a fleet of six ships—the Jesus of Lubck,
the Minion, the William and John, the Judith* the Angel, and the Swallow. The and the Minion were "the Queen's Maiesties," the other four
ships were Hawkins's private venture, f The fleet were caught in a severe storm a few days after they had departed, in which they lost all their large boats, and the ships were separated, but met again at the Canary Islands, and sailed for Cape Verde Islands, arriving 18th November. Here they landed one hundred and fifty men to procure some negroes, but succeeded in obtaining very few, and those with great loss to the Englishmen from poisoned arrows; "and although in the beginning they seemed to be but small hurtes," says Hawkins, "yet there hardly escaped any that had blood drawen of them, but died in a strange sort, with their mouths shut, some ten days before he died, and after their wounds were whole, where I myself had one of the greatest wounds, yet, thanks be to God, escaped."
From thence they sailed to the coast of Guinea, searching the rivers from Rio Grande to Sierra Leone till the 12th January, without getting more than 150 negroes, when the lateness of the season, and the sickness of their men, obliged them to leave. Not having sufficient cargo for the West Indies, they thought to go to the coast of Myne to obtain some gold for their wares; but meanwhile a negro arrived, sent from his king, "oppressed by other kings his neighbours," desiring aid from Hawkins against these other tribes, with a promise that the negroes obtained during the war should be at the pleasure of the English. Whereupon 120 men were sent, who on the 15th January assaulted a town of the negro ally's enemies, in which there were 8000 inhabitants; "but it was so well defended, that our men prevailed not, but lost six men, and forty hurt, so that our men sent forthwith to me for more help: . . . I went myself, and with the help of the king on our side, assaulted the town both by land and sea, and very hardly with fire (their houses being covered with dry palm leaves) obtained the town, and put the inhabitants to flight, where we took 250 persons, and by our friend the king of our side, there were taken 600 prisoners, whereof we hoped to have our choice; but the negro (in which nation is seldom or never found truth) meant nothing less; for that night he removed his camp, and prisoners, so that we were fain to content us with those few which we had gotten ourselves." Having
- A bark of 50 Ions, commanded by young Francis Drake. "He was born in 1545 son of one Edmund Drake sailor being the eldest of 12 brethren and was brought up at the expense and under the care of his kinsman Sir John Hawkins. At 18 he was purser of a ship trading to Guinea, at 20 made a voyage to Guinea and at 22 sailed with Hawkins."—So Stow's Annals, p. 807.
t Hist. Cen. (lib. xix. cap. 8).
obtained between 400 and 500 negroes they set sail for the West Indies, where they experienced some difficulty in exchanging them for merchandise, owing to the order from Spain forbidding dealings with the English; but notwithstanding this order they had a reasonable trade, and courteous entertainment.
From the Isle of Margarita to Cartagena, without anything greatly worth the noting, saving "at Capo de la Vela, in a town called Rio de la Hauche, from whence came all the pearls," where the Governor would not agree to any trade, or let them take in water; he had "fortified his town with divers bulwarks in all places where it might be entered," and so thought "by famine to have enforced us to have put a land our negroes."
Seeing this, Hawkins with 200 men broke in upon their bulwarks, and entered and took the town, "with the loss of two men only, and no hurt done to the Spaniards, because after their volley of shott discharged they all fled." Thus having possession of the town, and the Spaniards desiring the negroes, by the friendship of the Governor they obtained a secret trade, the Spaniards coming by night, and buying 200 negroes. At Cartagena the Governor would not traffic; so, without losing more time, the trade being so nearly finished, they departed 24th July, hoping to escape the time of their storms called "Furicanos." Towards the coast of Florida they were overtaken by a dreadful storm which lasted four days, and "so beat the Jesus that we cut down all her higher buildings." Her rudder was also shaken, and having sprung a big leak she was on the point of being abandoned, they finding no haven because of the shallowness of the coast; thus being in "great despair, and taken with a new storm which continued other three dayes, we were enforced to take for our haven the port which serveth the city of Mexico, called St. John de Ulloa. In seeking of which port we took in our way three ships which carried passengers to the number of 100, which passengers we hoped would be the means of our obtaining victuals for our money, and a quiet place to repair our fleet. Shortly after, 16th September, we entered the port of Ulloa, and in our entry, the Spaniards thinking us to be the fleet of Spain, the chief officers of the country came aboard us, which being deceived of their expectation were greatly dismayed; but immediately when they saw our demand was nothing but victuals, were recomforted
"I found also in the same port twelve ships which had in them by the report, 200,000 li. in gold and silver, all which, being in my possession, with the King's Island, as also the passengers before in my way thitherwards stayed, I set at liberty, without the taking from them the weight of a grote: only because I would not be delayed of my dispatch, I stayed two men of estimation, and sent post immediately to Mexico, 200 miles from us, to the Presidents and Council there, showing them of our arrivall there by the force of weather, and the necessity of the repair of our ships and victuals, which wants wee required as friends to King Philip to be furnished of for our money." Also stating that the Presidents and Council should give orders that on the arrival of the Spanish fleet, which was daily expected, there might be no cause of quarrel.
This message being dispatched the day of the arrival of the English fleet, the next morning, the 16th, they "saw open of the Haven thirteen great ships." Understanding them to be the Spanish fleet, Hawkins immediately sent to advertise the "General of the fleet" of his being there, giving him to understand that before he would allow the Spanish fleet to enter the port, conditions must pass between them for the maintenance of peace, and the safety of the English fleet of six ships. "Now it is to be understood that this Port is a little Island of stones not three foot above the water in the highest place, and but a bow shot of length any way. This Island standeth from the mainland two bow shots or more, also that there is not in all this coast any other place for ships to arrive in safety, because the north wind hath there such violence that unless the ships be very safely moored with their anchors fastened upon the Island, there is no remedy for these north winds but death: also the place of the Haven was so little, that of necessity the ships must ride one aboard the other, so that we could not give place to them, nor they to us: and here I began to bewail that which after followed, for now said I, I am in two dangers, and forced to receive the one of them. That was, either I must have kept out the fleet from entering the Port, that which with God's help I was very well able to do, or else suffer them to enter in with their accustomed treason, which they never fail to execute, where they may have opportunity, or circumvent it by any means: if I had kept them out [Sir John says], there had been present shipwarke [shipwreck] of all the fleet which amounted in value to six millions, which was in value of our money 1,800,000 li. which I considered I was not able to answer, fearing the Queens Maiesties indignation in so weighty a matter . . . therefore as choosing the least mischief I proceeded to conditions." The first messenger now returned from the Spanish fleet reporting the arrival of a Viceroy "who sent us word that we should send our conditions, with many fair words; how passing the coast of the Indies he had understood of our honest behaviour . . . ."
Hawkins's requests were acceded to; namely, that he required victuals for his money; that on either side there might be twelve gentlemen hostages; and that the island, for their better safety, might be in the possession of the English, with the ordnance thereon (eleven pieces of brass), during the stay of the English; also that no Spaniard might land on the island with any kind of weapon.
"These conditions at the first, he somewhat misliked, chiefly the gard of the Island to be in our own keeping, which if they had had, we had soon known our fate: for with the first north wind they had cut our cables and our ships had gone ashore: but in the end he concluded to our request, bringing the twelve hostages to ten, with a writing from the Vice Roy signed with his hand and sealed with his seal, of all the conditions concluded." A trumpet was then blown, with a command that the peace was not to be violated upon pain of death; "further that the two generals of the fleets should meet and give faith each to the other for the performance of the promises which was so done
"Thus at the end of three days all was concluded, and the Spanish fleet entered the port, saluting one another as the manner of the sea doth require."
The English fleet had entered the port on Thursday. On Friday they saw the Spanish fleet, which on Monday (at night) also entered the port. Two days were taken up in "placing the English ships by themselves, and the Spanish ships by themselves, the captains of each part and inferior men of their parts promising great amity of all sides;" but the treacherous Spaniards "had furnished themselves with a supply of men to the number of 1000, and meant the next Thursday, being the 23 of Sep', at dinner time, to set upon us on all sides." On the Thursday morning some appearance of treason was shown, "as shifting of weapons from ship to ship, planting and bending of ordnance from the ship to the Island where our men warded, passing to and fro of companies of men more than required for their necessary business, and many other ill likelihoods which caused us to have a vehement suspicion, and therewithal sent to the Vice Roy to inquire what was meant by it, who sent immediately straight commandment to unplant all things suspicious, and also sent word that he in the faith of a Vice Roy would be our defence from all villanies. Yet we being not satisfied with this answer because we suspected a great number of men to be hid in a great ship of 900 tons which was moored next unto the Minion, sent again to the Vice Roy, Robert Barret, the master of the Jesus" who spoke Spanish, and required to be satisfied.
The Viceroy, seeing that the treason must now be discovered, kept the master, blew a trumpet, " and on all sides set upon us; our men which warded ashore being, stricken with sudden fear, gave place, fled, and sought to recover succour of the ships. The Spaniards being before provided for the purpose landed in all places in multitudes from their ships, which they might easily do without boats and slew all our men ashore without mercy." A few of them escaped aboard the Jesus. The great ship with 300 men hid in her, immediately fell aboard the Minion, but the English suspecting their design half an hour previously, in that short time, "the Minion was made ready to avoid and so leesing her hed fastes, and hayling away by the stern fasts she was gotten out: thus with God's help she defended the violence of the first brunt of these 300 men. The Minion being past out they came aboard the Jesus, which also with very much ado and the loss of many of our men were defended and kept out. Two other ships assaulted the Jesus, so that she escaped hardly." After the Jesus and the Minion had got two ship's lengths from the Spanish fleet, the fight began hotly on all sides. Within an hour the "Admiral" of the Spaniards was supposed to be sunk, their " Vice Admiral" burned, and another principal ship supposed to be sunk, "so that the ships were little to annoy us. But all the ordinance on the Island was in the Spaniards hands which did us so great annoyance, that it cut all the masts and yards of the Jesus that there was no hope to carry her away: also it sunk our smaller ships, whereupon we determined to place the Jesus on that side of the Minion next the battery to be a defence for the Minion till night, then after taking victual and other necessaries from the Jesus as time would allow, to leave her. When the Minion had been thus sheltered from the shot of the land, suddenly the Spaniards had had set on fire two great ships which were coming directly to us and having no means to avoid the fire, great fear spread among the men, some saying 'Let us depart with the Minion,' others said 'Let us see if the wind will carry the fire from us.' But the Minion men who had always their sails in readiness, thought to make sure work, and so without consent of the captain or master cut their sail, so that verily," says Hawkins, "hardly was I received into the Minion. Most of the men that were left alive in the Jesus made shift and followed in a small boat, the rest were forced to abide the mercy of the Spaniards; so with the Minion only and the Judith (a small bark of 50 tons) we escaped, which bark the same night forsook us in our great misery."
The Judith was commanded by young Francis Drake, and it does not say much in his favour that he forsook his admiral in distress. It is also remarkable that Hawkins never once mentions Drake's name throughout the narrative; perhaps to shield his young kinsman from censure.
The Minion lay that night two bowshots from the Spanish ships, and next morning recovered an island a mile off, where she was overtaken by a north wind, and being left with only two anchors and two cables (having lost two anchors and three cables in the conflict) they thought to have lost the ship during the storm. The weather improving, the Saturday they set sail with a great number of men and little victuals, and with small hope of life wandered in an unknown sea fourteen days, till hunger forced them to seek land, for "rats, cats, mice, and dogs were thought very good meat—none escaped that might be gotten."
On the 8th October they sighted land in the same bay of Mexico, where they hoped to procure victuals and repair the ship, "which was so sore beaten with shot from our enemies and bruised with shooting of our own ordinance that our weary and weak arms were scarce able to defend and keep out the water." But they found nothing except a dangerous place, wherein a boat might be landed. Some of the men, forced with hunger, desired to be set on land, about 94 in all, the remaining 100 desiring to go homewards. Having landed the men who wished to remain, the next day Hawkins, with fifty men, went ashore to bring off water, when a storm arose, so that for three days they could not return to the ship, which was in such peril that every hour they looked for shipwreck. However, fair weather returning, they departed 16th October, with prosperous weather till 16th November, on which day they were clear of the coast and out of the Gulf of Bahama. After this, nearing the cold country, together with famine, the men died continually. Those left were so weak that they could scarce manage the ship, the wind being always against their direction for England, which determined them to go to Galicia, in Spain, to relieve their distress.
On the 31st December, at Ponte Vedra, near Vigo, the men with excess of fresh meat got miserable diseases, and a great part of them died; and by access of the Spaniards the feebleness of the English became known, whereupon they tried to betray them; but with all speed the English departed to Vigo, where some English ships helped them, and with twelve fresh men they sailed 20th January, 1568, and arrived in Mount's Bay, Cornwall, the 25th of the same month. Thence Hawkins wrote the following letter:
John Hawkins to Sir William Cecil.
25 th January 1568
My dewty most humbly consydcred: yt may please your honor to be advertysed that the 25th day of Januarii (thanks be to God) we aryved in a place in Cornewall called Mounts bay, onelie with the Minyon which is left us of all our flet, and because I wold not in my letters be prolyxe, after what manner we came to our dysgrace, I have sent your honor here inclosed some part of the circumstance, and althoughe not all our meseryes that hath past yet the greatest matters worthye of notynge, but yf I shold wryt of all our calamytyes I am seure a volome as great as the byble wyll scarcelie suftyce; all which thyngs I most humblie beseeche your honour to advertyse the Queens Majestie and the rest of the counsell (soch as you shall thinke mette).
Our voyage was, although very hardly, well achieved and brought to resonable passe, but now a great part of our treasure, merchandyze, shippinge and men devoured by the treason of the Spanyards.
I have not moche or any thynge more to advertyse your honour, nore the rest, because all our business hath had infelycytye, mysfortune, and an unhappy end, and therefore wyll troble the Queens Majestie, nor the rest of my good lords with soch yll newes. But herewith pray your honours estate to impart to soch as you shall thynke mete the sequell of our busyness.
I mynd with Gods grace to make all expedicyon to London myselfe, at what tyme I shall declare more of our esstate that ys here omytted. Thus prayinge to God for your Honours prosperous estate take my leave: from the Mynion the 25th day of Januarii 1568.
Yours most humbly to command
(Signed) John Hawkins.
To the Ryght Honorable Sir Wm Cycylle Knighte, and Principall Secretarie to the Queen's Majestie, gyve this.
So ends Hawkins's sorrowful narrative.* How he escaped at all is marvellous; and the Spaniards must have thought that they had "Achines de Plimua" caught in their trap at last!
Hakluyt quotes a brief summary of the affair at St. Jean de Ulloa by Job Hartop, one of the sufferers who returned to England, December 2nd, 1590:
"From Cartegena, by foule weather, wee were forced to seeke the port of Saint John de Ulloa. In our way thwart of Campecke we met with a Spaniard, a small ship who was bound for Santo Domingo; he had in him a Spaniard called Augustine dc Villa Ncuva; him we took and brought with us into the
- Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) Vol. LIII, of this collection is occupied with reports of Hawkins's case.
port of Saint John de Ulloa. Our Gencrall made great account of him, and used him like a nobleman; howbeit in the ende he was one of them that betrayed. When wee had morcd our ships and landed, wee mounted the ordinance that wee found there in the Ilande, and for our safeties kept watch and warde. The next day after wee discovered the Spanish fleete, whereof Lucon, a Spanyard, was Gencrall: with him came a Spaniard called Don Martin Henriqucz, whom the King of Spain sent to be his viceroy of the Indies. He sent a pinnesse with a flag of truce into our Generall, to knowe of what countrie those shippes were that rode there in the King of Spaine's port; who sayd they were the Queene of England's ships which came in there for victuals for their money; wherefore if your Generall will come in here, he shall give me victuals and all other necessaries, and I will goc out on the one side the port, and he shall come in on the other side."
Hawkins, during the pretended friendship of the Spaniards in the port of Ulloa, nearly lost his life by assassination. Some of the Spanish officers were dining on board Hawkins's ship, when Augustine de Villa Neuva was detected with a dagger, "which he had privily hid in his sleeve,' while sitting at table, and with which he intended to have killed his host, "which was espyed and prevented by one John Chamberlayne, who took the poynarde out of his sleeve. Our General hastily rose up and commanded him to be put prisoner in the steward's room."* This confirmed Hawkins's idea of the treachery of the Spaniards, who to the number of 300 then boarded the Minion; "whereat our general with a loud and fierce voice called unto us, saying, 'God and St. George! Upon these traitorous villains, and rescue the Minion! I trust in God, the day shall be ours !'" Nearly 600 Spaniards fell in that day's unequal fight.
And here again Hawkins had a second narrow escape; for "when the Minion stood off," says Hartop, "our general courageously cheered up his soldiers and gunners, and called to Samuel, his page, for a cup of beer; who brought it to him in a silver cup: and he drinking to all the men, willed 'the gunners to stand to their ordinance lustily like men.' He had no sooner set the cup out of his hand but a demi-culverin shot struck away the cup and a cooper's plane that stood by the mainmast and ran out on the other side of the ship; which nothing dismayed our general, for he ceased not to encourage us, saying, 'Fear nothing! For God, who hath preserved me from this shot, will also deliver us from these traitors and villains !"'t
"The disaster in the harbour of Ulloa, was made the subject of inquiry
- Hartop. t Hist. Gen. (Book xix. c. 18).
in the English Admiralty Court, with a view to assess the amount of damage, and the depositions made are still preserved. They are those of Hawkins himself; of Thomas Hampton, captain of the Minion; William Clarke, supercargo; John Tommcs, Hawkins's servant; Jean Turren, trumpeter in the Jesus; Humphry Fownes, steward of the Angel (afterwards Mayor of Plymouth); and of William Fowler, a merchant trading with Mexico, to give independent testimony as to prices. Drake was not called. The loss was very heavy. Fitting out the expedition cost ^16,500; and making allowance for. the profits in the traffic antecedent to the fight, the claims put in amounted to about £29,000.
"Incidentally we get here an indication of the wealth and style of Hawkins, who was very far indeed from being the rough, old, 'tarry-breeked,' sea-dog described by Kingsley (in Westward Ho !). His personal apparel and furniture were set down as worth at least £440, which would be little if at all short of £3000 new. And supercargo Clarke deposed that he saw Master Hawkins wear during the voyage 'divers suits of apparel of velvets and silks, with buttons of gold and pearl.' His cabin was hung with tapestry said to be worth £100; and his 'instruments of the sea, books, and other things' were put at £60."*
The Spaniards, after this breach of treaty at Ulloa, turned a deaf ear to all expostulations, and vindicated the injustice of the Viceroy, or at least forbore to redress it.
The fate of the 100 men landed in the Bay of Mexico was most cruel. Some were killed by the natives; others were sent to the capital, where they suffered in the most inhuman way at the hands of the Inquisition. Robert Barrett, the master of the Jesus, was burnt at the stake in Seville, which was the fate of several; others were left to die of hunger in the dungeons. Three men only out of the 100 escaped—Miles Philips and Job Hartop, who returned to England, the one after sixteen years', the other after twenty-three years' captivity; and David Ingram, who found his way among the savage tribes to Cape Breton, coming home in a French ship the next year, when he visited Hawkins. The narratives of these men are extant,^ and no one who reads them can wonder at the extreme hatred of the English against the Spaniards.
"The Spanish treachery at San Juan de Ulloa, by which means this voyage ended so disastrously, resulted in the mightiest issues. Plymouth declared war against Spain, and no opportunity was missed of harassing the Spaniards, which culminated in the invasion and destruction of the Spanish Armada.
• Worth; from the depositions. t Hakluyt, vol. iii.
For every English life then lost, for every pound of English treasure then taken, Spain paid a hundred and a thousand fold. John Hawkins led the way with one of the boldest acts of Machiavellian statesmanship on record. The plain blunt sailor set his wits against those of King Philip and all his Court, and bent them to his will like puppets."•
Hawkins had great affection for his seamen, and he was extremely anxious about the fate of his 100 unhappy men who were put on shore in Mexico. "Hawkins promised," says Hartop, "if God sent him safe home, he would do what he could, that as many of us as lived should by some means be brought into England." He intended to go out again, but the news soon became known that most of his men were in the hands of the Inquisition, where entreaty was hopeless, and force also. What could be done ?" Hawkins could not rest until they were rescued. They owed their captivity to Spanish treachery; they should owe their deliverance to English pretence. With Burleigh's permission, and the consent of the Queen, he complained bitterly to the Spanish ambassador of the way in which he had been treated by Elizabeth; that he was deeply penitent for his evil deeds; that he was broken-hearted at the progress of heresy; that he would do his utmost to place the Queen of Scots upon the throne. He offered to go over to Spain with his ships and men. The bait took. Having thus paved the way, he applied to Philip himself, by sending George Eitzwilliam, one of his officers, to Spain with full powers to arrange matters. Philip at first could not believe such good news that the redoubted 'Achines,' the terror of the Spaniards, the simple occurrence of whose name in a dispatch made the Spanish King splatter the margin with exclamation-marks of horror and dismay, would turn traitor."
Hawkins even succeeded in taking in Dr. Lingard, who mistook pretence for earnest, but never was there a more absurd calumny than that Hawkins had consented to betray his country for a bribe with Spain. Lingard quotes an agreement made at Madrid, ioth August, 1571, between the Duke of Feria, on the part of Philip II., and George Fitzwilliam on the part of John Hawkins, by which the latter was to transfer his services to Spain, with sixteen of the Queen's ships fully equipped with 420 guns, in return for pardon for past offences, and 16,987 ducats monthly pay. This agreement is indeed amongst the Spanish archives. The calumny lies in Dr. Lingard's conclusion from it, and in his statement—"The secret was carefully kept, but did not elude suspicion. Hawkins was summoned, and examined by order of the Council. Their lordships were, or pretended to be, satisfied, and he was
engaged in the Queen's service." Lingard adds that Hawkins tendered hostages to Spain for his fidelity. All these supplementary statements are untrue. The simple fact was that Hawkins was trying to deceive and entrap the Spaniards, with the full knowledge and approval of the English Government from the first. This is proved beyond doubt by Cecil's correspondence. A more loyal and devoted subject never lived. His whole life was one of zealous devotion to the service of his Queen. His Spanish intrigue was undertaken with the object of rescuing his unfortunate men by a resort to guile, as he could not do so by force.
Fitzwilliam returned from Spain, and with Burleigh's help he had an. interview with the Queen of Scots. He returned to Philip with credentials from her on Hawkins's behalf; * who wrote to Burleigh that he had no doubt three "commodities" would follow: "First. The practices of their enemies will be daily more and more discovered. Second. There will be credit gotten hither for a good sum of money. Third. The same money, as the time shall bring forth cause, shall be employed to their own detriment; and what ships there shall be appointed (as they shall suppose to serve their turn) may do some notable exploit to their great damage."
The King of Spain was thoroughly taken in. To show his good faith in the proposals made he set the remaining imprisoned sailors free, and gave ten dollars to each man; granted Hawkins a full pardon, and made him a grandee of Spain. Hawkins sent a copy of the pardon to Burleigh—"large enough! with very great titles and honours from the King: from which may God deliver me !" and alluding to the Spaniards, he adds, "Their practices be very mischievous, and they be never idle; but God, I hope, will confound them! and turn these devices upon their own necks."f
The plot, wrote Hawkins to Burleigh, was, "that my power should join with the Duke of Alva's power, which he doth secretly provide in Flanders, as well as with the power which cometh with the Duke of Medina out of Spain, and so altogether to invade this realm and set up the Queen of Scots."
This scheme of 1571 was identical with that which was in 1588 attempted with the Armada.
The next move made by Hawkins was to ask Philip for two months' pay for 1600 men, to man the fleet of sixteen ships with which he was to join him. "The Spanish Ambassador paid Hawkins; and the money was at once laid out in works of defence! There was no immediate danger; the Spanish plans had been unravelled, and England saved, by the statecraft of a Plymouth sailor."
- Sta. Pa. (Scot.), vol. vi. t Sta. fa. Com. (Eliz.)