Annetjen Juliana Maul

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Annetjen Juliana Maul (Sergius)

Also Known As: "Anna Julianna /Moule/Zarins", "Annetjen Zarius", "Sargusch", "Servin"
Birthplace: Germany
Death: Died in New York, USA
Immediate Family:

Daughter of <private> SERGIUS (OR SERVIN); Philip Sergius; <private> ANDREAS and Maria Elizabeth Andreas
Wife of Christoffel Maul
Mother of Divertje Decker; Margaretha Constable; Anna Catryna Weller; Annatje Comfort; Elizabeth Comfort and 1 other

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About Annetjen Juliana Maul


A complete compilation of the history of the Palatines who first came to New York State in 1708-1722

Published by The Palatine Society of the United Evangelical Lutheran Church of New York and New England, Inc.

Copyright 1953 by THE PALATINE SOCIETY, INC.

The Palatines of New York State

The story of the Palatine immlgration is of intrinsic value to every student of provincial and state history. It is a story that has never been written in full nor has its influence been fully valued. In Europe it is a story of one war after another, with thousands losing their lives, other thousands experiencing a total loss of possessions, while undergoing great suffering and tragedy, with sublime courage and grim determination. No pioneer group sought longer and harder for civil and religious liberty. And no pioneer group observed those principles, when they were won, more faithfully in their contacts with other pioneer racial groups than the Palatines. On reaching the New York frontier their experiences were unique and unlike that of any other pioneer settlers. They bore patiently the injustices of designing men. They kept the faith of their fathers and sang the hymns of Calvin and Luther until the hills echoed. At Oriskany they stood like a stone wall, made General Barry St. Leger lift the siege of Fort Stanwix (Rome), and made the surrender of General Burgoyne at Saratoga possible. After independence was won, by their industry and persistence they helped make New York the Empire State. The roots of the Palatines are deep down in the soil of New York. THE WARS IN THE PALATINATE The name "Palatinate" comes from the title of an official, a "Palatine," sent by the Roman Caesars to govern the southwestern section of Germany after the conquest of Gaul in the first century. The name, Palatinate, has had no significance in modern German history except that the people in that area became known as "Palatinates." Both in the Thirty Years War (1618-1648) and in the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-1714), their homeland was repeatedly and completely devastated. In the later war King Louis XIV of France boasted that a crow flying over would starve, so completely was the devastation carried out. Homes, crops, fruit trees, churches, libraries, villages and cities were pillaged and burned. The area along the Rhine, Main and Neckar Rivers of Spires, Worms, Hesee-Darmstadt, Zwelbrucken, Nassau, Alsace, Baden and Wurtemberg was laid in ruins, an area about the size of the state of Massachusetts and having a population of 500,000 people. About 1200 towns and cities were destroyed. Thousands were driven from their homes and thousands perished for want of shelter, food and clothing. Not even the famous University of Heidelberg or the sacred tombs of the German Emperors at Worms were spared. Two hundred years later the ruins of Heidelberg were pointed out as the most imposing ruins in Europe. No such complete devastation was ever witnessed until World Wars I and II. The War of the Spanish Succession lasted twelve years and was terminated by the Peace of Utrecht in 1714. Rough soldiers were quartered in the homes and were free to disorder the life of the Palatines and insult their women. Men yielded by compulsion to this who would never have yielded to the rack or fire at the stake. INVASION, PLUNDERING AND PERSECUTION These plunderings and devastations were a French blunder, inspired by the political ambitions and religious malice of King Louis XIV in an effort to seat his grandson, Philip of Anjou, a Bavarian youth, on the throne of Spain. Germany at that time was a nation composed of a group of loosely held together principalities under an Emperor chosen by the House of Austria. The Palatinate constituted no military threat to France. Subsequently France paid dearly for these political ambitions of Louis XIV, for England, Germany, Austria, Sweden and Holland united in opposition and achieved great victories over the French at Blenheim, Ramillies and Oudenarde, and made John Churchill, the first Duke of Marlborough, among the greatest of the world's generals. By the end of the year 1708 it was pretty clear to the people of the Palatinate that there was no possible hope for peace and happiness in their homeland. The almost continual wars, the clash of religious creeds, class distinctions that made the son follow the vocation of his father, the little opportunity for education, the many taxes and regulations of their own rulers of state and church, the aping of the splendor of the French Court and the "contributions that they must pay the enemy," denied them any hope or prospect of maintaining their families or rearing their children under decent living conditions. In addition the German principalities were frequently at war with one another. Both trade and agriculture were held in abeyance by these petty struggles. There may have been some religious persecutions in the Lower Palatinate of the Pfalz, from which the majority of the Palatines of New York State came, but it is doubtful if these earlier persecutions were among the causes of their exodus from the Rhineland in 1709. Unfortunately at that time on the Continent the rule adopted at the Peace of Westphalia was still in existence. This rule provided that the religion of the people should follow that of the ruler. It was a far cry from religious freedom for the people. After a line of Protestant Electors, Reformed and Lutheran, for a hundred years, Elector Palatine Philip William, a Lutheran, died in 1690. He was succeeded by John William, a Catholic, who ruled the Palatinate until 1716. An attempt was made at the time of accession of Elector John William to have the people return to their Roman faith, which was strongly resisted by the Calvinists, Lutheran, Mennonites, Quakers, and others. The most serious religious persecution, however, emanated from the invasions of King Louis and his directives to the Marshals invading the Upper Palatinate or Bavarian Palatinate of the Rhine. The Upper or Bavarian Palatinate was always strongly Catholic. The situation became desperate in 1672 when the Swedes joined France and when the Turks in 1683 laid siege to Vienna. King Louis was a crafty, cruel, unprincipled monarch. He posed as the "Great Christian Alonarch" to ingratiate himself, with the Pope, but he also entered into an alliance with Oliver Cromwell, the Protestant ruler of England, when it served his Political schemes. He looked upon the rich meadows, cultivated fields and the productive vine-clad hills of the Palatinate as did King Ahab in Bible times on Naboth's, vineyard, and desired to make it his own. He made the lives of the Electors Palatine miserable by deceitful diplomacy and frequent raids into the Palitinate, and sometimes they had to pay tribute to Louis. In 1674 Louis sent Marshal Turenne into the Palitinateto devastate it thoroughly. In 1685 he revoked the Edict of Naiites put in effect by Henry IV of France guaranteeing the safety and freedom of religious worship to the Huguenots (Protestants) of France. Many of the Huguenots fled to the Palatinate, where they found a warm welcome, and in the next twenty years intermarried with the people of the Palatinate. This was not forgotten by Louis. Later he sent Marshal Montclas into the Palatinate with 50,000 men "that the Palatinate should be made a desert." Of this unparalleled ferocity, Macaulay in his History of England says: "The French Commander announced to nearly one-half million of human beings that he granted them three days of grace, and that within that time they must shift for themselves. Soon the roads and fields which lay deep in snow were blackened by innumerable men, women and children flvlng from their homes. Many died of cold and hunger, but enough survived to fill the streets of all Europe with lean and squalid beggars, who had once been thriving farmers and shopkeepers." Then followed the invasion of 1707 by Marslial Villars, who duplicated the cruelties, pillage and destruction of Turenne in 1674 and Montclas in 1688-89. This great French army fed off the Palatinate for a whole year, took plunder and money by force and sent it back to France to help King Louis XIV finance his many schemes for political power. THE EXODUS FROM THE PALATINATE This critical situation was discussed secretly in family and small neighborhood groups during the severe winter of 1708-09. No word of plans for a group migration was allowed to reach the Elector Palatine for fear he would oppose the lessening of the man power in his Principality. Meanwhile William Penn of England had made two trips through the Palatinate trying to persuade the Palatines to migrate to his newly acquired Province of Pennsylvania; incidentally he made many converts for the Society of Friends. Other English-American agents of Colonial landlords were also active in soliciting immigrants for their overseas plantations in America. Labor was very scarce and costly at that time in the Colonies. William Penn was the author of a law naturalizing foreign Protestants and allowing them to purchase land and engage in trade. This was also a great incentive to migration from the Palatinate to England. Rev. Joshua Kocherthal, a Lutheran clergyman, in 1706 made a trip to England to familiarize himself with the conditions in the English-American Colonies and on his return to the Palatinate wrote a booklet on the attractive settlement possibilities in America. This booklet had a wide circulation in the Palatinate, running into the fourth edition. It was written entirely from the English records and claims of land agents and applied particularly to the advantages of settlement in the Carolinas. This no doubt influenced many. No real estate promoter ever pictured his offering in more glowing terms. Then followed the unparalleled cold winter of 1708-09 in which many perished because of the devastations, lack of shelter, clothing and food. So severe was the winter that all the rivers of northern Europe were ice bound until late in February which was unusual. The fruit trees and grape vines in the Palatinate were killed in spite of the salutary effect of the Gulf Stream on the climate of northern Europe. THE SETTLEMENT AT NEWBURGH IN 1708 Rev. Kocherthal and forty-one Palatines visited England in 1708 and petitioned Queen Anne for their settlement in America. Kocherthal was a natural leader of men both in spiritual and material matters. The petition was referred to the London Board of Trade and approved. It was decided that these Palatines should be settled on the Hudson River in the Province of New York where they might be useful "in the production of naval stores and as a protection against the French and their Indians." This plan met the approval of Queene Anne; "an order for clothing, tools and to make the Palatines denizens of the Kingdom without charge" was made. It was recommended by the Board of Trade that Governor Lovelace grant Rev. Kocherthal land for a glebe, and that twenty pounds be allowed for clothes and books. This group was joined by fourteen more Palatines, so that the group totaled fifty-five persons. They sailed with Governor Lovelace for New York in October 1708 on the ship "Globe," arriving in New York City after a nine weeks' voyage. They spent some time in New York in preparation for settlement. Besides Kocherthal the men of this immigration were: Lorenz Schwisser, Henry Rennau, Andreas Volck, Michael Weigand, Jacob Webber, Jacob Pletel, Johannes Fischer, Melchior Gulch, Isaac Turk, also one Lockstadt and one Hennicke. At the very end of the year of 1708 this group of Palatines landed at the mouth of Quassaick Creek, near present Newburgh, about sixty miles above New York City, and made the first Palatine settlement in the Province of New York. They hastily built crude log cabins while the "Globe" delayed its departure for a few days. Gov. Lovelace allotted Rev. Kocherthal 500 acres of land for church purposes, 200 additional acres for Kocherthal's family and 50 acres to each person. Lovelace spent "208 pounds, 10 shillings and 8 pence in behalf of these Palatines." This Palatine group at Newburgh was well provided for by Governor Lovelace. "The allowance of 9 pence per day for each person supplied them with food and other necessities." No covenant or contract was signed by these Palatines. Then, unfortunately for the little colony, Governor Lovelace, who had contracted an illness on the way over, died on May 6th, 1709. Because of his death and because there was no permanent provision for the financial support of the colony, Rev. Kocherthal sailed for London in August 1709 to lay the condition of the colony at Newburgh before Queen Anne and the London Board of Trade. The Council of the City of New York temporarily supplied funds until new arrangements could be made by Kocherthal with the British Government. Perhaps no one was ever more surprised than Kocherthal when he arrived in London in December 1709 and learned of the great numbers of his countrymen who had migrated from the Rhineland to England. He secured some relief for the Newburgh colony. The patent for this settlement, granted in 1719, was known as tlie "German Patent," and consisted of 2190 acres of land along the Quassaick Creek in what was then Ulster County. These lands were along those recovered by the Crown, being of the "extravagant grants" issued by Governor Fletcher in 1694. The grant to "Michael Weigand" is where the Wshington Headquarters at Newburgh now stands. The Quassaick (Newburgh) Glebe Church was a small structure of logs built soon after the patent was confirmed. It was twenty feet square with a cupola in the center of the roof for the bell given by Queen Anne. There was also an aperture in the roof for the escape of the smoke from the charcoal heating pit in the center of a ground floor. These Palatines "found the stony, rocky hillsides more unyielding of produce than they had hoped" and listened with envious ears to the tales of more fertile farms to be had elsewhere. By 1751 all the Palatines and their descendants at Newburgh but one, Margaret Ward, had sold their land and moved to the Upper Hudson, Schoharle, New York City, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. After that date the history of the Newburgh colony is merged in that of the 1710 Palatine Immigration to New York. The Glebe lands of 500 acres of the Lutheran Church were taken over in 1752 by the Anglican Church after a bitter court battle. By this time the Quassaick Parish had lost its distinctive German character. The importance of the Newburgh settlement is that it set the pattern for other Palatines to follow. The success of Kocherthal in gaining the assistance of Queen Anne and her government encouraged others to adopt the same course and seek new homes beyond the sea. THE GREAT EXODUS TO ENGLAND IN 1709 During the winter of 1708-09 the Palatine leaders conferred with the English proprietary agents at Frankfort-on-the-Main. It was agreed that when those who wished to leave the Palatinate had found their way down the Rhine River, beyond the borders of their own country into Holland, that English ships would meet them and transport them across the North Sea to England. This was arranged so that there would be no offense to the Elector Palatine or the Emperor. John Churchill, the first Duke of Marlborough, and Charles Spencer, Earl of Sunderland and Secretary of State, were active in procuring English vessels. Queen Anne and her Cabinet were in agreement with this plan. Anne all through her reign sought through diplomatic channels to have abolished the rule on the Continent adopted at the end of the Thirty Years War, that the religion of the people follow that of the ruler. Queen Anne's heart bled for the Palatines persecuted and despoiled by Louis XIV of France. When her husband, Prince George of Denmark, a Lutheran, died in October 1708 and she felt it her Christian duty to administer relief to the oppressed and persecuted countrymen of her late husband. With this plan of the Queen the Cabinet were in accord, for they laid down the rule "that the grandeur and prosperity of a country does in general consist in a multitude of inhabitants." Historians differ as to the major cause of the exodus of the Palatines from the Rhineland in the spring of 1709. One noted authority has Iisted them as follows: (1) war devastation, (2) heavy taxation, (3) an extraordinary winter, (4) religous quarrels, (5) land hunger on part of the elderly and a desire for adventure on part of the young, (6) liberal advertising by colonial proprietors, (7) and the benevolent and active cooperation of the British government." Another historian says: "The principal causes of the great German immigration to America in the eighteenth century were found to have been religious persecutions, the tyranny of autocrats, destructive wars, failure of crops and famine, economic bankruptcy." Many were actuated by the hospitable Protestant religion, especially after the revocation of the edict of Nantes in 1685. Unfortunately many of the elements of religious discord of the Thirty Years War remained in the minds of the people for two or three generations. This in itself was a disturbing element. It is probably impossible now to determine the relative importance of the many causes that led to the great exodus of the Palatines from the Rhine Valley in 1709. The Rev. Sanford H. Cobb writes: "Their story rightly told, must tell of statecraft and church policy, of the movements and campaigns of armies." Among the major causes of the 1709 exodus from the Palatinate must be added the influence of William Penn's naturalization bill in "the interests of England to improve and thicken her colonies wlth people not her own," as he expressed it. Other Englishmen with Colonial land projects were also interested in the passage of a general naturalization act through parliament for the peopling of their overseas holdings. One Carolina landlord declared that 2,000 people in Carolina were worth 100,000 in England. Not only was the 1710 immigration to New York expedited by Penn's naturalization bill becoming a law, but it influenced the flow of German immigrants to America for many years. The Netherlands also passed a general naturalization act and there seems to have been a limited competition with the British government in encouraging immilgration from the Rhineland. Both the Netherlands and England remembered that the trades and industries in both countries had been greatly benefited and extended by the coming of the foreign Protestants during the religious wars. In 1707 Marshal Villars again ravished the Rhineland, crushing the defense and collecting large reparations. "Peace during King Louis XIV's reign of fifty-six years was of short duration," says another historian. Still another says Louis XIV's main objective was to consolidate France from the Pyrenees to the Rhine. He used bribery as well as warfare. Charles II of England was in his pay. Great numbers of his Protestant subjects were driven abroad by religious persecutions, taking the arts and industries with them. Even religious publications are not in entire accord on the comparative importance of the causes that led to this 1709 Rhineland exodus. Voltaire's "Sicle de Louis" is still our best picture of this period. Perhaps it was a combination of all of these causes that finally drove the Palatlnes to leave their homeland. Many towns seemed about ready to revert to the wolves, as in the Thirty Years War. The early spring of 1709 brought a great rush of Palatines down the Rhine River. The numbers reached proportions never dreamed of by the planners of the exodus. Most of them traveled in small open boats. The Elector Palatine issued an edict forbidding any more of his subjects to leave his Principality. After this many were obliged to take land routes to Holland. Food, clothing and money were generously given the refugees at every step by their sympathetic countrymen. It usually took about four weeks for the small boats via the Rhine River to reach Rotterdam in Holland. Sometimes they were delayed by the demands for river tolls. The Burgomasters of Rotterdam were sympathetic. They appropriated 750 gilders (75 pounds) and considerable private charity was given for the relief of the refugees. The British authorities became alarmed because of the expense of providing for the great numbers and tried to stop the rush to England. By June 1st of 1709 about a thousand a week were arriving at Rotterdam. The Dutch authorities also tried to prevent more refugees entering Holland but still they continued to arrive. But by October the rush had practically ceased, due to the warnings of the English and Dutch authorities, and the end of the season for traveling in open boats. Most of the historians of that period say that 13,000 reached London by mid-summer of 1709. "Das verlangte, nicht erlangte Canaan" (The desired, not acquired Canaan) says that "32,468 went to England." Fully one-third of these refugees were of the Reformed faith, a slightly lesser number were Lutheran, and still lesser were Catholic, with a few Dunkards, sometimes called Baptists, and Mennonites. The 2,257 who were Catholics, because of the British rule then in existence of not receiving Catliolic immigrants in the English colonies, were returned to Germany. Many families had both Catholic and Protestant members. All but a few were in destitute circumstances and there were many children. The condition of all on arriving in London awakened the greatest pity. They were quartered in vacant buildings, warehouses, barns, and in 1600 tents at Blackheath, outside of London on the south side of the Thames River. Both the Whig party and the Established Church raised funds for the relief of the Palatines to the amount of 19,838 pounds and 11 shillings. These refugees became known to the sympathetic London people as the "Poor Palatines," a name that clung to them even after arriving in America. The Rev. John Tribbeko of the Lutheran Royal Chapel and the Rev. Andrew Ruperti of the Lutheran Savoy Church were very, active in the work of collecting, funds and supplies for their relief. During the last week in June of 1709 a board of commissioners of nearly a hundred persons was appointed to solicit funds and Supplies, and to seek places of employment for the Palatines. The Palatine camps were a source of wonder to the London people and were entirely dependent on the English government and public charity to keep them from starvation. Every Sunday thev were visited by great crowds of curiosity seekrs. The government allowance and private charity being insufficicnt to sustain them necessitated their begging in the streets when they were not employed. Meanwhile bread rose to its highest price in London. Many records say that they were content with the coarsest and cheapest foods and maintained their cheerfulness while waiting for what they expected would be a quick transportation to America. Then there came a turn in the tlde of English sympathy. Tile great number of the refugees and what to do with them became a very serious problem of the British government. The poor of London protested the expenditure of the public funds in behalf of foreigners instead of for theirown needy. The Tory party in Parliament opposed the voting of funds for the relief of the Palatines with the result that they became a football of British politics. The crowded condition of their crude shelters many of them ill and much sickness developed. And the English laboring classes claimed that wages had fallen from 18 pence to 15 pence per day in areas where the Palatines were quartered and worked. The Palatine refugees had expected quick transportation to the American plantations but they were to experience months of delay while the London Board of Trade was formulating plans for their future. Five hundred of their men were employed by the merchants of Bedford in the Newfoundland fisheries. Some 3,498 persons were settled in Ireland, 650 were sent to the Carolinas and many to Virginia, Maryland, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. Many others were absorbed by the British people, and it seems reasonable that a thousand must have died while encamped at Blackheath. And strange to relate, 150 able bodied men, mostly Catholics, were enlisted in the British Army and sent to Portugal. They were good enough to be soldiers in the British Army, but not for settlement in the colonies. Some found it convenient to change their religion. The London Board of Trade was ordered to furnish a list of the numbers and a report on the condition of the Palatines. Pastors Tribbeko and Ruperti and many others were assigned to this task. These lists are the Palatine London Census of 1709 and constitute valuable sources of information about this migration. Unfortunately these lists record only about 6,000 names, less than half of the Palatines that reached London during the spring and summer of 1709. These census lists, of the various sections where quartered, have been published by the New York Genealogical and Biographical Society, the "Book of Names" by L. D. MacWethy, and are on record at the New York State Library in Albany. THE IMMIGRATION TO NEW YORK IN 1710 On August 30th, 1709, the London Board of Trade began considering a plan for locating the Palatines then remaining in London in the Province of New York and of having them manufacture naval stores for the British government. England was now well on her way toward he dominance of the sea,.which she was to retain almost down to the present. England had been greatly handicapped for many decades by the lack of naval stores which she did not produce and was sometimes unable to procure from the Baltic states, even when they supplied nations at war with England. These deficiencies were embarrassing to the British naval authorities and they were determined to remedy the situation by using the immense resources of their American colonies in pitch, tar, rosin, hemp, and timber suitable for the masts of ships. Hemp seed was included in the list of supplies for the Province of New York in 17 10. It was definitely known in England that the Carolinas produced excellent pitch, tar and turpentine. Vigorous efforts were then being made to get more Palatine immigrants for the Bern Land Company in the Carolinas. And the London Board of Trade was attempting to find a staple product for its northern colonies "comparable to tobacco and rice in the southern colonies", and at the same time to divert Americans from the manufacture of woolen, linen and other manufactured goods. In order to expedite the production of tar and naval stores a bounty had been voted in 1705. This act also forbid the cutting of pitch pine trees "under the growth of twelve inches in diameter". It was reasoned that this development of the raw resources of the colonies would relieve the British government of the dangerous dependence on foreign countries for the much needed naval stores which dependence threatened England's dominance of the seas. The London Board of Trade based their deliberations on the reports of John Bridger, British Surveyor of Woods in the Colonies; letters of Richard Coote, Earl of Bellomont and Provincial Governor of New York in 1698; Edward Randolph, Surveyor of Customs in America; Col. Benjamin Fletcher, Governor of New York in 1693, and Sir Matthew Dudley, an English merchant familiar with the Province of New York. All of these advisors were ill-informed as to the tar content of the northern white pine. Plans, however, for the manufacture of naval stores in the Province of New York went forward. On November 4th, 1709, John Spencer, Earl of Sunderland and Secretary of State, notified the Commissioners of Transport to prepare two men-of-war as a convoy for 3,000 Palantines to be sent to the Province of New York. It had taken over two months for the Board of Trade to reach a decision on locating the Palatines while the expense of maintaining them was daily mounting. The President of the Province of New York Council was also notified at the same time and "assured that the expenses of the settlement of the Palatines would be taken care of in England." Then the London Board of Trade made what seems now a very strange entry in their minutes, that "in the process of time by marrying Indians they (the Patatines) may be capable of rendering great service to Her Majesty's subjects." It is true that the French and Dutch traders made many marital and other alliances with the Indians, and the English colonists too, to some extent, but in this inter-marrying of the Palatines and the Indians the London Board of Trade was to be hopelessly disappointed, for the Palatines made less of these alliances with the aborigines than any other pioneer group. The plan to settle the Palatines in New York was adopted by the London Board of Trade on November 12th, 1709. Then Robert Hunter, the newly appointed Governor of the Province of New York, expressed fears that after arriving in New York the Palatines might be lured away from the naval stores project, and asked the Board to place the Palatines under contract, something that was not done in settling any other Palatine group. This resulted in James Montague, the British Attorney General, preparing the Covenant of 1709, the interpretation of which resulted in much controversy (For other version, see Knittle, pp. 140, 141) THE WEAK DEFENSES OF THE NEW YORK FRONTIER The raids of the French and their Indian allies (Algonquin and Huron) on the New York frontier at this time were frequent and very destructive. And of the Indian allies of the English, the Iroquois Confederacy, especially the Senecas (half of the fighting strength of the Long House) were disposed to ally themselves with the French. This was a very serious threat to the English dominance of New York and to the valuable fur trade; also, the Province was in danger of being cut in two down to the Mohawk River, and the northern part of the Province being made into permanent French territory. Frontenac, the French Governor of Canada, wrote home: "The capture of New York would contribute more to the security of the colony (Canada) than the capture of Boston." There were then the heavy expenses of maintaining the Palatines in England, the acute need of naval stores, the weak condition of the New York frontier and the imminent loss of the fur trade. All of these pressing problems were before the British Cabinet for solution. The settlement of the Palatines in New York seemed to the British Cabinet the answer to their problems of finance, naval stores, provincial defense and the retention of the great fur trade. And to the Palatines in London it seemed that their settlement in New York would be an escape from the untold miseries of war and persecution which they had suffered. In this, however, the Palatines were to be sadly disappointed. Queen Anne approved the plan of sending the Palatines to New York on January 11th, 1710, not of sending them to Jamaica, as at one time had been planned. The London Board of Trade made no request for a contract binding the Palatines to engage in producing naval stores. That was an idea of the new Governor, Robert Hunter. The Covenant of 1709 made the Palatines indentured servants of the Crown. It was read and explained to them in the German language before they signed it. And many of them declared later that the copy read and explained to them in London was not the same copy that was read to them two years later at Livingston Manor. There has always been a great diversity of opinion on its interpretation. With the differences in racial background and language it is doubtful if there was ever the meeting of minds necessary in any real contract. Unfortunately for the Palatines the selection of a site for the settlement of the Palatines was left to Governor Hunter, although four locations were suggested to him by the London Board of Trade as being available, these were "extravagant grants" that had been vacated because the grantees had not complied with the terms of the grants. One such site was on the Mohawk River above Cohoes Falls; another on the Schoharle River; a third on the east side of the Hudson River, and a fourth on the west side of the Hudson. The London Covenant was manifestly unfair to the Palatines for it specified no definite length of service. And later, fees, expenses and salaries of many New York Provincial officials were paid from the original parliamentary appropriation or budget which the Covenant did not authorize. Demurrage and transportation costs occasioned by the delay in leaving England rose to the amount of 26,000 pounds and to this extent reduced the parliamentary appropriation for settlement purposes by at least 7,000 pounds. To this was added the cost of "600 tents and 600 firelocks with bayonets and ammunition." This supply of arms and ammunition cost 1,479 pounds and 12 shillings. "In fact 9,384 pounds worth of supplies were laid out by the ordinance department without parliamentary provision for the same." All of these expenses no doubt were necessary, but special appropriations by Parliament should have been made for them as they reduced the funds needed for settlement. Many of these additional expenses were contracted after the signature of the Covenant by the representatives of the Palatines. The contract had in fact been broken before the convoy sailed for America. THE LARGEST GROUP OF IMMIGRANTS - JOHN PETER ZENGER The ten immigrant ships, to carry 3,000 Palatines - the largest single group to come to America from Europe before the Revolutionary War - with supplies, provisions and equipment, reported at the Buoy of the Nore, fifty miles from London, the last week in December 1709. The vessel owners were to receive five pounds and sixteen shillings for each person transported to New York, an unusually low rate. There are many conflicting accounts as to the sailing date. Conrad Weiser wrote in his diary years later that "about Christmas Day we embarked." Henry Bendysh, who had the transportation contract, agreed that January 2nd should be the sailing date. Pastor Tribbeko did not preach the embarkation sermon at St. Catharine's Church in London until January 20th. The Queen did not sign the instructions to Governor Hunter until January 26th. Other authorities say that the actual sailing date from Portsmouth and Plymouth, due to the failure of the two vessels of the navy convoy to report on time, did not take place until April 10th, 1710. There can be little doubt that the Palatines were held on board two or three months before the actual sailing. The story of the Indian Sachems who accompanied Peter Schuyler and his brother Captain John Schuyler, both of Albany, to London in 1710, and witnessing the distress at the Palatine Camps, did then and there offer their Scholiarle lands to Queen Anne for the settlement of the Patatines, has been much discussed. One historian has assailed the story as a myth for the reason that the Palatines coming to New York were already on board the ships when the Indian Sachems arrived in England ignoring the fact that there were plenty of Palatines still left in London and that there was continual contact up to the sailing date betweeen the Palatine ships and the British officials in London. Chronicles of the sailing of the Palatines have not given us a list of the names of the immigrant ships in this convoy but there are indications that the Globe, Berkley Castle, Bedford, Lyon and Herbert were among the number. Because of the exceptional low transportation rate the ships were greatly overcrowded. The ships in this convoy were each about 400 tons burden, nearly five times larger than the ships of Poutrincourt, Champlain and Hudson, when they came to these Northeastern shores a hundred years before. The foul air, vermin, little sunlight and exercise, poor food and lack of good drinking water soon caused many on board to fall ill. Eighty deaths were reported in one ship and a hundred sick in another before leaving Portsmouth. The Palatine ships soon became ravaged with fever, typhus and other ailments which, with almost no provision for elementary sanitation, caused the death of a great number of immigrants. Thomas Benson, a surgeon, reported that at one time 330 persons hod been sick on his ship. An ocean voyage to America in 1710 was a long tedious experience, even in the summer season with helpful winds and good weather. In rough winter weather the passengers were jostled about, became seasick, their bunks drenched with sea water, their minds were disturbed by the thoughts of the imminence of shipwreck, burial at sea, or perhaps being devoured in the maw of some sea monster. To make matters worse the immigrants were obliged to eat wormy sea biscuits, old salt meat or rice boiled in larva-filled water and to drink foul cask water when they were unable to catch fresh rain water from the sails. The Lyon, the first ship to arrive in New York harbor, docked at Nutten Island, now Governor's Island, on June 13th 1710. Governor Hunter landed the next day from the Bedford. The last ship did not arrive until August 2nd. The Herbert was wrecked on Block Island and much of its cargo of supplies damaged. Governor Hunter reported to Lord Godolphin, the British Treasurer, on October 24th 1710, that of the 2,814 Palatines who had boarded the ships in England, 446 had die on the way over and that 250 more were buried during the latter part of the summer. Such were the devastating effects of a winter voyage on the Atlantic. The entire population of the Province was only 20,000 souls at that time. In Whittier's poem "The Palatine" the wreck of the ship, loaded with supplies and equipment, on Block Island at the easterly end of Long Island Sound, is immortalized. "Into the teeth of death she sped: (May God forgive the hands that fed The false lights over the rocky Head!) But the year went round, and when once more, Along their foam white curves of shore, They heard the line storm rave and roar, Behold! again with shimmer and shine, Over the rocks and the seething brine, The flaming wreck of the Palatine! For still, on many a moonless night, From Kingston Head and from Montauk light, The specter kindles and burns in sight. Now low and dim, now clear and higher, Leaps up the terrible Ghost of Fire, Then, slowly sinking, the flames expire. And the wise Sound skippers, though skies be fine, Reef their sails when they see the sign Of the blazing wreck of the Palatine!" New York City contained less than 6,000 white inhabitants. The New York City Council protested the reception of so many diseased persons at the regular docks of the city so the Palatines were landed and encamped on Nutten Island pending their disposition to other locations. Drs. John C. Kurtz and John P. Ruger were in constant attendance on the Palatines and made reports to the City Council. It is estimated that about one-fifth of all the immigrant passengers on these early ships died en route or shortly afterwards from the rigors of a voyage to America. Thirty children had been born on the sea en route to New York and seventy-four children were made orphans. Governor Hunter "bound out" or apprenticed the orphans and also many of the children whose parents were still living or at least one of them. This caused bitter resentment against the Governor and is listed as one of their grievances in their petition to the Lord Justices Court. Among the orphans apprenticed was John Peter Zenger to William Bradford, New York's first printer and newspaper publisher. Bradford was a kindly Christian man and gave Zenger a good home and a very good education for those days. A, Chrysler, an ancestor of Walter P. Chrysler of Chrysler Motors Corporation, was also "bound out". Many years later Zenger established the second newspaper and publishing business in the Province of New York. That he became a great lover of freedom and a fearless editorial writer may be judged from an extract in his Weekly journal: "We see men's deeds destroyed, judges arbitrarily displaced, new courts erected without the consent of the legislature, by which it seems to me trials by jury are taken away when the Governor pleases; men of know estates denied their votes contrary to the recent practices of the best exposition of any law." All America was startled by such plain speaking. These ringing challenges, uttered in 1734, had never been voiced before. They aroused the ire of William Cosby, then Governor of the Province. He had Zenger arrested for libel, denied bail and even disbarred the two New York City attorneys employed to defend him from the practice of law. It was at this juncture that the elderly and distinguished Scotch attorney, Andrew Hamilton, was brought from Philadelphia to defend Zenger. After nearly a year in jail, Zenger was brought to trial before Judge Delancey, and in spite of the Court's charge to the contrary, was acquitted by the jury. Attorney Hamilton in his summation declared: "The question before the Court, and you gentlemen of the jury, is not of small nor private concern, it is not the cause of a poor printer, nor of New York alone, which you are trying! No! it may in its consequences affect every free man that lives under a British government on the Main of America!" Prophetic words! And let it be remembered that this was more than forty years before Tom Paine wrote the "Common Sense" or Jefferson had penned the Declaration of Independence. That night after the acquittal of Zenger, New York City engaged in a wild demonstration of joy. The Palatine orphan became the father of the freedom of the press in America. Specimens of John Peter Zenger's handwriting were among the most interesting manuscripts exhibited by the New York State Freedom Train during 1950-'51. No specific grant of land was ever made to the Palatines by the London Board of Trade or the New York Provincial Council during Governor Hunter's administration. The Governor, immediately after landing in 1710, set about the problem of locating the Palatines. Although Hunter was well educated for his day, came from a reputable Scotch family and had spent long years in the army, he lacked political experience and business training to handle successfully such an enterprise as the naval stores project. Then, unfortunately, Governor Hunter soon fell under the grasping influence of Robert Livingston, the Patroon, one of the most unscrupulous men in the early history of New York. It has been repeatedly alleged, but never proven, that Livingston was a silent partner of the notorious pirate Captain Kidd. Added to this, Governor Hunter evolved a spirit of animosity toward the Palatines that developed into rank injustice, arbitrary and tactless conduct that ill became the representative of the Crown in the Province of New York. Because the project that he had fathered failed, he regarded the Palatines as the sole cause of the failure, regardless of the frittering away of the parliamentary appropriation, the want of technical skill to direct the work, and the lack of good business administration. Although the tar content of the northern white pine was lacking, ship masts, much needed in England, could have been produced in paying quantities. The desertion of the Palatines by the British government after locating them in the New York wilderness is a blot on the British rule in the Province of New York. LOCATING THE TAR CAMPS John Bridger, the Surveyor of Woods, who was to instruct the Palatines in the art of tar making, it is claimed, was actually in the service of Robert Livingston. Bridger reported that the pine trees in the Schoharie Valley lacked pitch, which was in conflict with another earlier report to the London Board of Trade. He also reported that the pine trees of the Mohawk Valley only had a limited amount of pitch. Governor Hunter decided not to locate the Palatines in either of these valleys because it was impossible to defend these locations from the French and their Indian allies, and for the further reason that there was a sixty-foot waterfall (Cohoes) on the Mohawk River below the proposed naval stores sites. This waterfall would interfere with navigation to and from the proposed camp sites. Governor Hunter took over 6,300 acres of land on the west side of the Hudson River that had been reclaimed by the Crown from the voiding of "extravagant grants." These grants centered around present day West Camp and Saugerties, not far from Catskill. In addition Hunter purchased 6,000 acres of Livingston, the Patroon, on the east side of the Hudson River in the vicinity of Germantown in Columbia County and Rhinebeck in Dutchess County. There had been some question about the legality of the Livingston grant issued in 1686 of "16 miles long and 24 broad" containing 160,240 acres of land. Governor Hunter immediately silenced these questions by having the Council issue a new confirmatory grant to Livingston which also gave his patroonship a seat in the New York Provincial Assembly for the first time. This was the beginning of a struggle that lasted for 170 years in New York against a feudal land policy, a condition that is not found in any other American colony. Hunter also purchased for Palatine use a tract of 800 acres of land of Thomas Fullerton, a British customs official, near the Livingston tract. These three tracts, totaling 13,100 acres, were to be used for the proposed naval stores project and for the Palatine settlements. This would have given each person at the Hudson camps about seven acres of land, far short of the forty acres promised in the London Covenant. The movement of 1874 able-bodied Palatines from Nutten Island (Governor's) to the proposed naval stores base at Livingston Manor (Hudson), ninety-two miles up the Hudson River, began in October 1710. James DuPre, Commissary of Stores, writing from New York City to the London Board of Trade in November 1711 said that the number of Palatines engaged in the naval stores project was about 2,200. This transportation from New York City to Livingston Manor cost 200 pounds. A fairly large number of Palatines remained in New York City. Cobb says there were more than 400, mostly "widows, single women, and children, unfit for the great and good design of making tar and pitch." This group in a few years built a Lutheran Church, near where Trinity Church now stands. This Lutheran Church was destroyed by fire in 1776. On arrival at Jensen's Kill at Livingston Manor on the east bank of the Hudson at the naval stores base, lots for cabins, yards and gardens of forty feet frontage and fifty feet in depth were assigned to each family, showing that those in charge of the project did not expect the Palatines to do much gardening or raising of vegetables for their own use, as the Palatines had planned to do. The cabins at Livingston Manor were small log cabins with the logs laid horizontally with the interstices filled with clay. They were heated by fireplaces and chimneys built of field stone and clay. Wood for fuel was plentiful. Ulrich Simmendinger wrote in his register: "We began to erect cabins, which everyone fashioned according to his own invention and architecture." Conrad Weiser's diary says that the cooking was done in large outside community stone ovens. House furniture, tables and chairs were carved out of the forest timber. The assignment to each family of such a small plot of ground seemed like an insult to these men who had been among the best farmers in Europe. The records show that about half of the New York Palatine men were farmers, and the others were carpenters, blacksmiths, schoolmasters, weavers, brickmakers, bakers, millers, masons, Coopers, tailors, vinedressers, herdsmen, shoemakers, butchers, brewers, tanners, wheelwrights, stonecutters, silversmiths, saddlers, locksmiths, joiners, bookbinders, tilemakers, surgeons, hatters and gardeners. All the men of these trades, no doubt, were soon brought into use. We are not informed by the chronicles of that day as to what the Palatines used for roofs on their log cabins. These were log cabins, not the larger log houses built in later years. There are no reports or records of disastrous fires at Livingston Manor as there were among the Dutch thatched houses on Manhattan Island. So it may be presumed that at first the Palatines copied the Indians and used elm bark or sod, or they used "shakes", thick shingles split from blocks of wood, for their cabin roofs, as they were known to use in later years. Livingston received a profitable contract for tools, supplies, and for feeding the Palatines. The food was doled out in the same quantity per person as given to an English soldier in transit. Some beef was purchased in New York City. The portions were small and the quality of the food was poor. Jean Cast, the Assistant Commissary, wrote Governor Hunter in May 1711: "I never saw salted meat so poor nor packed with so much salt as this pork was. In truth one-eighth of it was salt." The ration was just about enough to keep body and soul together and not sufficient for men engaged in the hard physical work of cutting down trees, trimming them, piling them, and placing them for burning for the pitch they contained. The horses and wagons used in these operations were rented of Livingston. Much of the equipment and supplies that had been promised by Livingston was still lacking in mid-summer of 1711, such as steel for mending edge tools, three runs of millstones, whipsaws, plowshares, pitch-forks, iron for nails, and horseshoes and leather for footwear and horse harness. Also every Monday thirty-six men were withdrawn from the project to help the carpenters build warehouses and to help the coopers make tar barrels. And again Cast wrote Hunter about the tare of sixteen pounds, marked on the flour barrels by Livingston and his agents, when most of the barrels, after emptying, weighed twenty and twenty-one pounds. "This", declared Cast, "is carrying things to extremes." The production of naval stores was further delayed by the abortive British expedition of 1711 against the French in Canada. Governor Hunter became very enthusiastic about this expedition. It had been planned that the fleet would co-operate with the land forces, but when it was learned that the fleet would not support them, the land forces marched back home. Palatines had participated willingly in this expedition, the second of the Provincial government against Canada, for the reason that they thought their future settlement at Schoharie would be safer by the taking of Canada. The destruction of Schenectady was then a vivid memory on the frontier, having occurred some twenty years before. Many of the 300 Palatine men who participated in the Canadian military expedition were again diverted from the naval stores project after they had returned home and they were sent to Albany on military duty in anticipation of a threatened attack on that city by the French and Canadian Indians. John Bridger, who was familiar with tar making, failed to arrive at Livingston Manor to direct the work. Richard Sackett, a farmer, with only a limited experience in tar making, was placed in charge of the project by Governor Hunter. About 100,000 trees were barked during the summer of 1711. But the substitution of Sackett for Bridger to direct the tar making project aroused the London Board of Trade. They made an investigation into the methods used in Russia and found that the trees should have been barked eight feet up from the ground in October when the sap was flowing toward the roots, and that a strip four inches wide should have been left on the north side of the trees in which the pitch would have settled. And a great mistake had been made in assuming that the white pine (pinus strobus) of New York would produce tar and turpentine in ,quality and quantity like the hard pine (pinus palustris) of Georgia and the Carolinas. There was, however, a pitch pine (pinus rigida) on the sandy rocky hills of Livingston Alanor, back from the Hudson River, which had sufficient pitch quantities to give the project something of a start; 200 barrels of tar were extracted from the 100,000 trees felled. It was a small amount for the number of trees and of poor quality. Trouble was brewing at the naval stores project. The work was very distasteful to the Palatines. Pastor Koclierthal notified the authorities that the Palatines had been promised good land, that the system of vassalage now imposed on them was an outrage. The Palatines also charged that the contract, then re-read to them, was not the same contract which had been read and explained to them in London and which they had signed. The Governor then ordered a company of soldiers to be stationed at the camps and appointed a council to take charge of the government of the Palatines. This council consisted of Robert Livngston, Richard Sackett, Jean Cast, Gottfried Wulfen, Andreas Bugge and Herman Schunemann. Three of this council, provided Livingston or Sackett were present, had the right to infllct punishment for disobedience or misdemeanors, even to the extent of corporal chastisement and imprisonment. All these things slowed down the work of producing naval stores. And it is well to record the fact that in the Canadian expedition of 1711 the New York quota of the military forces consisted of 300 Palatines, 350 "Christians" and 150 Indians. This is the first time that the Palatines had served in the same military effort with the Indians. The Palatiiie men received no pay, the womenfolk and children received no rations, and when the men returned home they were deprived of their weapons. The situation was further aggravated bv the fact that soils where the Palatines were located on the east side of the Hudson were very poor. These Palatine farmers were very partial to limestone sub-soils. It has been said that these Germanimmigrants could smell limestone from the tidewater where they landed in coming to America. Later they found plenty of that kind of soil in the Hudson, Scholiarie and Mohawk Valleys. Their love of land and their love of God was never never very far apart. They sowed the fields "in His name." THE FAILURE OF THE NAVAL STORES PROJECT By the spring of 1712 Governor Hunter became alarmed by the failure of the British government to pay any of the bills forwarded to London for expenses in operating the naval stores project, the original funds voted by Parliament being exhausted. The failure to pay these expenses was due to the loss of control of the treasury by the Whig party in the parliamentary elections of 1710. In the parliamentary investigation of 1711 by the Tory party it was revealed that over 100,000 pounds had been expended in various ways on the Palatines. The Tory party controlled House of Commons passed a resolution stating "that the inviting and bringing over into this kingdom of the Palatines, of all religions, at public expense, was an extravagant and unreasonable charge to this kingdom, and a scandalous misappropriation of the public money." By this time Governor Hunter, having unlimited faith in the naval stores venture, had advanced over 20,000 pounds of his private fortune in keeping the project in operation. There was then actually due the Governor 20,769 pounds sterling, a very sizeable fortune in those days. Although the Governor's finances were in bad shape in 1712, he did receive some relief in 1715 from the New York Provincial Assembly by the payment of his back salary for five years, and 1,376 pounds from the sale of unused Supplies of the unsuccessful naval stores project. By this time the Tory party leaders were declaring that the whole Palatine affair was a scheme against the Established Church of England to increase the numbers and strength of the dissenters in the Kingdom. Thus the Palatines continued to be the football of British politics. The finances at the naval stores project were not well supervised, neither were the funds always applied to the main objective. There was an unusual number of officials and all were paid out of the parliamentary appropriation. James DuPre was a Commissary in London; Robert Livingston, a Deputy Commissary; and Jean Cast and Andrew Bagge, Assistant Commissaries, at Livingston Manor; two surgeons; two overseers; two clerks; six captains and lieutenants; four nurses - and all were paid a salary. The organization of the workers and families followed the lines of a military unit. There were also seven unpaid Palatine "listmasters." They were: John Peter Kniskern for Hunterstown; John Conrad Weiser for Queensbury; Hartman Windecker for Annsbury; John Christopher Fuchs (Fox) for Haysbury; John Christopher Gerloch for Elizabethtown; George Manch for Georgetown; and Peter Grauberger for Newtown. The "listmasters" were to keep the census rolls of their respective villages and report all unlawful acts and delinquencies. These "listmasters", village head-men, with the two clergymen, Kochertlial and Haeger (Hager), were the constant leaders and advisors of the Palatines. They tried their best to protect their people from the depredations of as great an unprincipled bunch of rogues as New York ever possessed. RHINEBECK AND THE SCHOHARIE MIGRATIONIS The announcement of the cessation of work and subsistence was like the explosion of a bombshell to the Palatines. Many of them doubted their ability to provide food for their families during the approaching winter. Something had to be done at once. Thirty families purchased lands of Henry Beekman in fee simple and moved southward near present day Rhinebeck. These families in a few years were in good circumstances. The following families were among the first settlers at Rhinebeck and Germantown: Hahner, Schufeld, Hagedorn, Wlederwachs, Staats, Berner, Elsasser, Coon (Kuhn), Coons (Kuntz), Schutts (Schutz), Shoemaker (Schumacher), Snyder (Schneider), Smith (Schmidt), Freats (Fritz), Shufelt (Schufeld), Meghley (Michle), Younghance (Junghans), Wagenaer (Wagener). Those remaining where Hunter had placed them, suffered from the lack of food supplies during the winter of 1712-13. Rev. Haeger wrote the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel that "they boil grass and the children eat the leaves of trees. Several have for a whole week together had nothing but welsh turnips which they did only scrape and eat without any salt or fat and bread." This group was soon in debt to Livingston. Of those remaining on this tract purchased of Livingston by Governor Hunter, sixty-three families received Provincial title deeds to the lands they occupied in 1725 after a new Governor had been appointed. Those receiving deeds at Livingston Manor were: Jacob Scherb, Christoffel Hagendorn, Jacob Shumacher, Christian Haver, Pfilbs Bernert, Peter Stobelbein, Johannes Blas, Peter Pfilibs, Johannes Kollman, Johannes Shuck, Peter Ham, William Hagendorn, Olrig Winiger, Johan Peter Lauer, Davit Kissler, Paulus Dirk, Bernhart Schmed, Kilian MinckIer, Henry Hoffman, Herman Betzer, Hanna Alan Sallbach, Peter Lamp Mann, Jacob Berjer, Peter Hagendorn, Christ Dietrig, Pfilibs Finikel, Nichlas Hes, Johannes Hoe Mier, Christian Muhlers Wttib, Pfilibs Scheffer, Andres Domes, Christian Dethrig, Olrig Jacobi, Samuel Muckler, Henrig Bardel, Henrig Haeudorn, Bernent Zieberls, Friedrig Raug, Willm Hanbuch, Johanes Leuck, Bastian Lesche, Henrig Winder, Johannes Dat, Samel Kun, Henrig Stals Wittib, Jones Schenckels, Johanes Henrig Conrad, Joery Muhler, Adam Hoff, Davit Schantzen Wittib, Joreg Muchler, Anna Cathriockelbe, Joery Schoertz, Johannes Schoffer, Olrig Bernat, Andrles Bartel, Johanes Klein, Hans Peter Philip, Johannes Heener. Some of these Palatines at Livingston Manor went to Pennsylvania, New Jersey and New York City. Others deputized seven of their "listmasters", piloted by Johannes Meynderton of Schenectady and Chief Quaynant of the Mohawkss,'to visit the Lower Castle near Fort Hunter in the Mohawk Valley and the Schoharie Valley and see if arrangements could be made with the Indians for a permanent settlement. Happily for the Palatines such arrangements were made with the Karighondonte Tribe of Schoharie at their principle vIllage at the base of Mount Onistragrawa with the approval of the Mohawk Sachems, this tribe being a subject tribe of the Mohawk nation. The Palatine deputies contracted for land running "down the river to the north, on both sides, a distance of ten miles", probably about ten thousand acres beginning near the present day village of Middleburgh and running down the Schoharie River to below present day Central Bridge. Conrad Weiser's private journal says: "The valley was opened for their entrance for the consideration of $300.", Spanish money. As soon as the "listmasters" returned with a favorable report fifty families migrated immediately to the Schoharie Valley and made the first white settlement at Weiserdorf, now Middleburgh. In the spring of 1713 one hundred and fifty more families removed from the Hudson to the Schoharie Valley and founded other dorfs or hamlets north of Welserdorf. And other families continued to join them until there were seven Schoharie dorfs or settlements, the last being Kniskernsdorf, settled about 1729. All of these dorfs or hamlets were in a row close to each other, about two miles apart. Whether they followed this plan because of the closeness of the villages in their native Palatinate or for protection and help to each other in case of an Indian attack is now unknown, but the Palatines did know that other settlements had been attacked so the closeness of their dorf-hamlets gave each dorf a sense of security. One reputable historian says that for years many individuals and families landed at the Port of Philadelphia and via the Delaware and Susquehanna River trails traveled to the Hudson, Schoharie and Mohawk Valleys to seek and join friends and relatives who had preceded them to the new world. Governor Hunter had warned the Palatines against going to the Schoharie Valley but he was powerless to prevent it. On October 31st, 1712, he wrote the London Board of Trade, "some hundreds of them (Palatines) took a resolution of possessing the land of Scoharee (Schoharie) and are accordingly marched thither." The first group of fifty families going to the Schoharie Valley in the fall of 1712 suffered untold discomforts in their crude, hastily built log cabins that first winter. And the second group of one hundred and fifty families pushed their way through the snow over the Helldenbergs in the spring of 1713 to Schoharie, also experiencing acute suffering for shelter, clothing and food. The term "Schoharie" generally referred to the entire middle section of the valley until after the Revolution, and not to just the area around the present village of Schoharie. The Mohawkord "To-wos-scho-hor", or Schoharie, means bridge of driftwood over the river. Such a bridge was used for years by the Indians before the coming of white men south of present day Middleburgh. All of the first groups moving to the Schoharie Valley were handicapped for years by the lack of iron tools and domestic annimals. And there was a great lack of food the first and second winters. They received considerable aid from the Indians, the churches in New York City and Albany and from the good people of Schenectady. The hills of the valley were full of game and the same hills furnished wild berries and nuts in season, but in the second planting season after their arrival the corn produced so well in the virgin soil from the seed that the Indian had given them that they never were in dire straits for food again. Their clothing for years was made from the skins of deer until they grew flax and made linen cloth, or raised sheep and made woolen cloth, and for their footwear they used buckskin for moccasins before shoe Ieather was available. It is doubtful if there was a tannery or a shoemaker in the Schoharie Valley before the Revolution. Their interior lighting came from the fireplace and pitch pine knots and years later from tallow dip. The Palatine pioneer families were notedly prolific. Within two years after their arrival at Weiserdorf in 1712 four children were born. They were: "Catharina Mattheus, Elizabetha Lawe, William Bach and Johannes Erhardt," according to the old records. Although the birth rate was high the mortality of the children and elderly was also high during the first years of the Palatines in the Province of New York. The "Wilhemus Bauch", referred to above was the grandfather of Goovernor William Bouck. Conrad Weiser wrote in his diary: "Here the people live for years without a preacher, without government, generally in peace. Each did what he thought was right." This was accomplished because the Palatines had great respect for the village "listmasters", originally chosen in the Hudson Valley. The elderly John Conrad Weiser, father of the later famous Conrad Weiser, had been a magistrate, like several of his ancestors, in Wurttemberg, Germany. He was their most active and devout leader, who often conducted religious services as a lay reader in the absence of an ordained clergyman. Tradition has it that Elias Garloch was the only magistrate in the Schoharie Valley for many years, and that his writ given to the constable was his jackknife with a verbal designation of the day and hour the defendant was to appear in justice court. If there were two people to serve the Justice used his tobacco box for the second writ. It is said that no defendant ever failed to appear at the appointed time with the jackknife or tobacco box. Whether the justices of the peace were chosen by the people in each settlement or appointed by the Governor at the time is not now definitely known. The Dutch and English settlers regarded the Palatines as ignorant. This was doubtless due to the fact that for three generations after settlement the Palatines did not use the English language and kept much to themselves; in almost every business deal they had with the English and Dutch they felt they had been unjustly tricked and wanted no dealings with them. The English language and the English legal procedure, were obstacles to their relations for years. REPURCHASE OR EVACUATE On November 3rd, 1714, Governor Hunter sold the Schoharie lands which the Palatines had bought of the Indians to: Myndert Schuyler, Peter Van Brugh, Robert Livingston, Jr., John Schuyler, and Peter Wileman, all of whom were in reality land speculators. Later it was discovered by Lewis Morris, Jr.. and Andrus Coeman, Provincial Surveyors, that the flats along Fox's Creek and along the Schoharie River opposite present day Central Bridge had not been included in the sale to the land speculators. These two surveyors immediately applied for a patent of these free lands and received grants. They joined the land speculators and made common cause in defending their purchases and from this time on these two groups became known as "The Seven Partners." Governor Hunter by the sale of these lands expected to force the Palatines at Schoharle back into the Hudson Camps, or force them out on a more exposed section of the New York frontier. He even forbade them to plow or plant the ground. This they were forced to do or they would have starved. Hunter promised to send twelve men to estimate the value of their improvements and to reimburse them. This he failed to do. When the Palatines arrived in the Schoharie Valley in 1712 they found that a goodly portion of the best flat lands along the river had been sold by the Indians in 1711 to Adam Vroman, a Schenectady fur trader. This caused considerable friction. Vroman, however, was able in 1714 to secure a legal title to his lands from the Provincial government, which he had not attempted to do until the question of a legal title was raised against the Palatines. There never was any credit or accounting given the Palatines for the work they had performed on the naval stores project and other improvements at the Hudson Camp or for their military service in 1711. The tar making project had failed through no fault of theirs, which did not absolve the British government from its pledge in the London Covenant to give each person forty acres of land. The Governor made some effort to relieve this situation by the following receipt: On September 6th, 1712, Governor Hunter ordered Superintendent Cast to inform the Palatines that they would have to subsist themselves until further orders, his public and private credit being exhausted, but if they left the area they would have to secure a ticket of leave, registering their destination. If they left the area without complying with these formalities they would be arrested and imprisoned. They were told to hold themselves in readiness to return to work when notified. Governor Hunter expected financial relief from England and that the work then would be resumed on the naval stores project. This abandonment of the Palatines, especially the withdrawal of the ration by the British government, is not a very creditable episode in the rule of Britain in the Province of New York. Governor Hunter was arbitrary and unfair. His policy was visionary and vindictive toward the Paalatines that was unworthy of the Crown's chief representative in the Province of New York. Why didn't lie glve the Palatines a confirmatory title to the lands they had purchased of the Indians as he did with Robert Livingston and Adam Vroman? The Provincial Council, with the Governor as President, ruled that an Indian title unless supported by a petition, survey and map with the approval of the Council had no standing in English law. Thus the Governor controlled the granting of all land titles. In 1714 Nicholas Bayard, a grandson of the Bayard whose land grant in the Schoharie Valley had been voided by the Council and Queen Anne's government, visited the Palatines and offered to give anyone a deed in Queen Anne's name who would describe the boundaries of his land. This Bayard did not represent anyone but himself and his intentions are in doubt. Apparently he was laying the foundation for reclaiming the voided patent of his grandfather. He was a political enemy of the Governor but the Palatines didn't know that then. When his mission was disclosed an angry mob gathered and drove him out of the settlements. Even then he sent word back from Schenectady to the Schoharie Valley that he would give a deed to anyone sending him an ear of corn. His action annoyed both the Governor and the Palatines. The Schoharie Palatines were called upon in 1715 to repurchase the lands that they occupied, or vacate. A Deputy Sheriff Adams was sent up to arrest John Conrad Weiser when Governor Hunter learned that Weiser was planning to go to England to plead for the Schoharie Valley lands for his people. The Governor didn't want this controversy aired in England. When the Deputy Sheriff arrived at Weiserdorf, the men were at work in the fields and woodlands, but when the women learned of the Mission of the Deputy Sheriff, under the leadership of Magdelena Zeh, they pulled him from his horse and dragged him through the pools where the pigs wallowed, rode him on a rail, broke two of his ribs and left him half dead on a brldge on the road to Albany, where he was rescued. Here the matter of legal land titles rested for a year or more. The Palatines continued to plow and work the land which they had cleared of the forests at great physical effort. Although they had been forbidden to plow the land, they disregarded the order as it was the only way they could keep from starvation. In 1718 John Conrad Weiser, William Scheff and Gerhardt Walrath sailed for England from the port of Philadelphia to lay the case of the Schoharie land title controversy before the British authorities. This in spite of the fact that their good friend Queen Anne had died and a new Cabinet now controlled British policy. Meanwhile Governor Hunter also sailed for England to see about having his bills paid for the naval stores project. When he learned of the presence of the Palatine delegation in London he opposed them at every step. Calamity dogged the steps of the delegation from the time they sailed. They were robbed by pirates on the sea and arrived in England destitute until funds were forwarded them from the Palatines on the New York frontier. Walrath became sick and sailed for home, dying en route. Scheff became discouraged and returned home and died soon after his arrival. Weiser carried the case unsuccessfully to the highest British Court, the Lord justices Court. He returned to his Schoharie Valley home a disappointed man in November 1723. From that time on John Conrad Weiser ceased to be a leading factor in the New York Palatine affairs, being succeeded by his son Conrad. His house stood on the site of the present imposing Central School building in the village of Middleburgh. LOOKING TOWARD THE MOHAWK Governor Hunter while in England in 1720 resigned and William Burnet was appointed to succeed him. The new Governor arrived in the Province late in 1720 and was almost immediately contacted by the Palatine leaders about lands for settlement in the Mohawk Valley. In 1721 Governor Burnet allowed several families to purchase land of the Indians, provided it was forty miles above Fort Hunter and at least eighty from Albany. Both the Crown and the Provincial authorities were pushing the problem of frontier defense into the lap of the Palatines. The French with the Canadian Indians and the aid of the Iroquois could have pushed the English into the Atlantic Ocean. Surveys of land in the Upper Mohawk Valley by Provincial surveyors were made in 1722 and it is probable that some Palatine families began to move both from the Schoharie and Hudson Valleys that same year, under a private understanding with Governor Burnet that a legal deed would follow in due time. Some of the Schoharie Palatines had already swallowed their sense of injustice and had repurchased the land they had cleared and occupied from the Seven Partners without any allowance being made for the improvements. About sixty families wanted to settle apart and these were given permission to settle between Fort Hunter and Canada (Stone Arabia and Ephrata). The Stone Arabia Patent is dated October 19th, 1723, and recorded in the office of the Secretary of State, in Patents Book 9, page 83 et seq. The names of the patentees as they appear on the deeds are as follows: Lot No. 14 Adam Emigen 17 Jacob Schnell 19 Mardan Dillinback 24 John Christian Garloack 25 Johannes Crounse 28 Sufforonias Deigert 33 Christian Efenink 34 William Coperhole 35 John Joost Schnell 36 Johannes Schnell 37 Andries Peiper 38 Andried Feink 39 Hans Deterick Casselman 40 Teobald Garlack 41 John Lawyer 42 William Nelose 43 Simon Erckart 45 Hendrick Efrey 46 Johannes Emigen 47 Warner Digart 48 Bartholomew Picard 49 Johannes Ingolt 50 Alarden Seibert 51 Elias Garlack Lodowick Casselman Gerhart Scaffer "It should be observed that although there were twentyeight partners there are only twenty-seven names of patentees. However, in a memorandum list of names (see L. P. IX p. 88) the twenty-eighth name appears as 44 Barthol Picard Junior." This tract gave each patentee about 470 acres of land and is the area now known as the township of Palatine in Montgomery County. Historian Simms says that an early map and survey shows a list of names not on the list of patentees and among these are the following: Johannes Keyser, Andreas Finck, Jr., Nicholas Diskard, Adam and Christian Empie, Warner Teygart, Johannes Miller, Jacob Sybers, George Houss, Better Soetts, John Schouthey, Tilleman Van Soherlyand, Hendrix Six, William Nellis and Nicholas Stensell. The German Flatts Patent for lands on both sides of the Mohawk River was granted to ninety-two persons and consisted of 9,186 acres. The purchase of the Indian title was dated July 9th, 1722, the petition for a grant dated January 17th, 1723, and the title deed issued April 30th, 1725. The names of the patentees with their original orthography follows: John Jost Petre, Mary Eva Stareing, John Jost Temouth, Mary Breman, Augustines Hess, Philip Helmar **, Frederick Pell, Mary Catharine Kons, Melgart Fols, Johan Veldelent, Adam Michael Smith, John Jurgh Kast, Jr., John Adam Helmer **, Nicholas Feller, Jacob Wever, John Jurgh Smith, Hendrick Mayer, Thomas Shoemaker, Catharine Lant, John Adam Bowman, Godfrey Reele, Nicholas Weaver, Tedrich Tetmouth, Jurgh Docksteder, Lodowick Rickart, Johannes Pellinger, Frederick Staring, Gertruyd Petri, Johannes Valden Staring, Elizabeth Edigh, Margaret Pellinger, Catharine Rickert, Anna Veldelent, Frederick Helmer **, Jurgh Erghenier, Johannes Miller, Nicholas Staring **, Joseph Staring **, Conrad Orendorf, Hendrick Orendorf, Peter Speis, Lawrence Herter, Johan Jost Erghemar, Frederick Pellinger, Conrad Rickert, Johan Edigh, Hendrick Spoon, Johannes Hess, Nicholas Weleven, Ludolph Horsing, Madalana Erghemar, Anna Moyer, Catharine Pears, Margaret Pellinger, Jacob Edich, Michael Editch, Hans Conrad Felmore, Christina Felmore, Ludolph Shoemaker, Mary Feller, Jacob Weaver, Jr., Godfrey Relle, Jr., Godfrey Relle, Ephraim Smith, Elizabeth Spels, Appolona Herter, Mark Ryckert, Catharine Erghemar, Morte Smith, Jacob Fols, Lodowick Kones, John Valde Staring, Jr., Lendert Helmer, Johan Jurgh Kast, Peter Pellinger, Mark Petri, Bella Koreing, Anna Margaret Helmer, Andries Wever. The almost incomprehensible spelling of German names by English clerks will be noted. In June 1724 Anna Kast of the Schoharie Palatines obtained a land grant for 1,000 acres on the West Canada Creek in the vicinity of Kast's Bridge above Herkimer and one of the men of this family became a well-known trader. From this German Flatts area there has been developed the prosperous towns of Little Falls, Herkimer, Mohawk, Ilion and Frankfort. The entime Upper Mohawk area was known for years as Burnetsfield in honor of the new Governor William Burnet who had dealt kindly with the pioneer Palatines. The acreage acquired in the original patent gave each family about one hundred acres of land. Governor Keith of Pennsylvania, attending a general conference on colonial affairs at Albany in 1722 and hearing about the land title troubles in the Schoharie Valley, extended an invitation to the Palatines of New York to settle in Pennsylvania, where the government was much more democratic and more liberal terms were given immigrants arriving from Europe. On or about April 1st, 1723, about fifteen to thirty-three families, according to various records not in agreement, left the Schoharie Valley via Panther Creek, the Summit Divide, the Charlotte and Susquehanna Rivers and after a six weeks trip into the unknown wilderness arrived in the Tulpenhocken Valley in Pennsylvania where they settled, founding the present day thriving cities of York and Reading. Other migrating groups of Palatines to Pennsylvania followed the same route in 1725 and 1729. Nicholas Warner of Palatine descent in 1837 assured author Simms that he had seen the stumps of the trees on the Charlotte River made into dugout canoes for the descent into Pennsylvania. The following is a list of families from the Schoharie Valley settling in Pennsylvania by the year 1730: Aemrich, Michgel Anspach, Balthaser Anspach, Leonart Barden, Martin Batdorff, Martin Blum, Ludwig Boyer, Hans Braun, Pfilbes Brossman, Francis Christ, Jocham Michael Christman, Johannes Cushwa, Isaiah Deck, Nickolaus Diffebach, Adam Diffenbach, Conrad Ernst, Michael Essel, Reinhold Etchberger, Jacob Entcrfelt, Johan Feg, Lenhart Fidler, Godfrey Fischer, Sebastian Fischcr, Lawrence Fohrer, Johann Goldman, Conrad Heckedorn, Martin Herner, Michael Ernst Holston, Leonhard Kapp, Jacob Kayser, Christopher Kinzer, Nicholas Kitzmuller, Jonas Klob, Peter Kobff, Jacob Korbell, Jacob Lantz, Johannes Lauer, Christian Lebo, Peter Ledernian, Jacob Long, Conrad Lauk, Abraham Lesch, Adam Lesch, Georg Minnich, Matthias Nefs, Niclas Neft, Balt Pacht, Johann Peter Relt, Caspar Relt, Lenhart Relt, Georg Relth, John Leonard Relth, Peter Reim, Niclas Relth, Michael Relth, Nicholas Reiss, Michael Ruell, Niclas Sab, Joseph Schadt, Antonis Schaeffer, Johannes Claus Schaffer, Fredrich Schaffer, Niklas Schaeffer, Jacob Schweffer, Peter Schell, Peter Schmidt, Michael Schuertz, Adam Seigner, Hans George Shump, Christopher Schitz, Conrad Schuchert, Johann Henrick Stub, Marden Stupp, Adam Unruh, George Walborn, Adam Walborn, Andrew Walborn, Christina Walborn, Herman Wasserschmidt, Stephen Weiser, Christopher Weiser, Conrad Weiser, Michael Wenrich, Franz Winter, Frederick Wynant, Nicholas Zeh, George Zeller, Johann Zerbe, Peter Zerbe, Lorentz There were a total of eighty-nine heads of families in the three group migrations between 1723 and 1729 and also in the individual migrations during that same period. The similarity of many family names with those of New York will be noted. The last mentioned group in 1729 moved southward under the guidance of Conrad Weiser, who was destined to fill an important roll in pre-Revolutionary America. He had lived for seventeen years in the Schoharie Valley and had learned to speak Dutch, English and Iroquois in addition to his native German. Weiser was an official advisor of the Province of Pennsylvania on Indian affairs for over thirty years and often advised Virginia and New York at Indian conferences. He is now credited, with George Washington, with keeping the French from making permanent settlements in the Ohio River Valley. Weiser always sought to keep the five nations intact and to do business through Supreme Council. President Washington, standing at Weiser's grave, said: "Posterity will not forget him." It has not! One shipload of Palatines arrived in New York harbor in October 1722. There is no record of their being settled elsewhere than in the Mohawk Valley and it is presumed that they did so in the spring of 1723 at the German Flatts on lands already arranged for. Many of the names of the German Flatts patentees are not found in the Livingston Manor or Schoharie lists and are therefore presumed to have been of the third Palatine immigration of 1722. Many of this shipload had died at sea, so that there were probably not over three hundred survivors. This immigration is remembered largely from the fact that among its members were the parents of the future General Nicholas Herkimer and of a newly arriving clergyman direct from the Palatinate, Rev. John Jacob Ehele. All of these Mohawk Valley patentees of land were to pay the usual annual quit-rent (a rent that could never be dissolved) in addition to the purchase price. These quit-rents were two were required to clear the forests away and bring under cultivation shillings and six pence per hundred acres, and the purchasers within three years six acres in every hundred granted by the Provincial Council. Historian Simms in speaking of the exodus to the Mohawk Valley from Schoharie says: "The greater part of 100 families are believed to have made the exodus in 1723." Also at another place the same author says: "It is difficult to determine just what other names in the towns of Minden and Palatine came into the state prior to 1720"; but we may conclude that some of the following old Palatine names were among them, viz.: Wormuth, Cox, Paris, Saltsman, Shults, Bauder, Sitts, Eacker, Suits, Eisenlord, Lipe, Ehle, and Wick. The Hendrick Failing family should also be included. Some of the Palatines in 1731 settled on the 8,000-acre Canajoharie Patent in the present townships of Minden and Canajoharle. They leased these lands of the Mohawk Indians and many years later some of the New York City land speculators claimed the lands of the Patent. Charges of fraud were made by the Mohawk Indians, and the London Government ordered Sir William Johnson to settle the matter. The Palatines eventually received all the lands that they had been occupying for years as tenants of the Mohawk Indians in Minden and Canajoharie townships. THE FRONTIER PUSHED WESTWARD The frontier of New York was pushed westward earlier than it would have been normally because of the failure of the naval stores project at the Hudson Camps, and the failure to allot the forty acres of land to each person as provided in the London Covenant of 1709. The stream of Deutches Volk, however, ran steadily into Pennsylvania because of its better advertisement in Germany, the harsh treatment of the Palatines in New York, and the "extravagant grants" of land to New York aristocrats and speculators which had the effect of closing the frontier to the immigrant wanting a modest sized farm. The injustice of the New York land policy is fully explained in "The Frontier in America" by Frederick Jackson Turner, listed in the Bibliography. The Palatines, so far as the records show, accepted the hazards of frontier defense against the French and their Indian allies without any hesitation. Again and again these pioneer settlers stated that they wanted land for their children on which they could support themselves "after we die". The final desirable and excellent locations of the Palatine settlements of New York were due more to their demands for what they considered had been promised them, their good relations with the Iroquois Indians, and their good judgment in the choice of soils, than to any efforts of the British or Provincial governments in their behalf. The pioneer Palatine settlers of the Mohawk Valley enjoyed a period of comparative rest for twenty-five years in spite of an occasional raid by the French aided by the Algonquin and Huron Indians. Later, however, they suffered the cruel invasion of Belletre in November 1757, which destroyed the settlements at what is now Herkimer, Little Falls, Mohawk, Ilion and Frankfort, burning every house, barn, grist and sawmill on the north side of the Mohawk River and many homes and barns on the south side, killing the cattle, horses, sheep and swine. This was the most disastrous invasion, with possibly the exception of the burning of Schenectady in 1690, that the Mohawk Valley experienced before the Revolution. Over three hundred persons were killed, a hundred persons were taken prisoners, including the justice of the Peace (called a Mayor in the French report) John Jost Petri, who was carried to Canada. Fort Herkimer alone held out against the invasion and provided a haven for many who escaped to the south shore of the Mohawk River. The next spring (1758) the French struck again at the south bank of the Mohawk. Thirty Palatines were killed, and most of the homesteads destroyed. The loss of lives would have been greater but for the active vigilance of young Captain Nicholas Herkimer, who hearing of the approach of the invaders, sounded the alarm, collected many settlers within the palisades of Fort Herkimer, and successfully resisted an attack on the fort. The Palatine prisoners of 1757 returned home two or three years later following the fall of Quebec. Many soldiers of Palatine descent contributed to the defeat of the French on the Plains of Abraham and elsewhere, for 2,680 New Yorkers served in the British Colonial Army in the French and Indian War (1756-1763). KOCHERTHAL AND HAEGER Rev. Joshua Kocherthal, who had made a previous trip to New York with the first Newburgh settlers in 1708, returned to New York with the Palatine immigration of 1710. Rev. John Frederick Haeger (Hager), a Reformed student of theology from the Palatinate, received the Establlshed Church ordination in England in 1709 and also sailed with the 1710 immigration as an Anglican missionary for the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. When the Palatines would have nothing to do with the Established Church, Haeger reverted to his original faith, that of the Reformed Church. Both Kocherthal and Haeger came up the Hudson with the Palatines. Kocherthal was the first clergyman to visit the Schoharie Valley in 1714 and to organize a congregation at Weiserdorf (Middleburgh). Haeger was the second clergyman to visit the Schoharie Valley in 1716. Kocherthal and Haeger at the request of Governor Hunter took a census of the Palatines in the Schoharie Valley in 1718. Kocherthal died at the comparatively early age of fifty years in 1719 and is buried under the church vestibule at West Camp where "they laid to rest the worn and weary body of the man who had done more for them than any other individual", says the Rev. Herman F. Vesper in the Book of Names. "Know, 0 traveler, under this stone rests, beside his Sibylla Charlotta, a genuine traveler, of the High-Germans in America, their Joshua. And a pure Lutheran preacher of the same in the east and west side of the Hudson river. His first arrivalwas With Lord Lovelace 1707-08, January 1, his second with Col. Hunter 1710, June 14, brought his journey to England to end. His heavenly journey was on St. John's Day, 1719". The inscription on the brown stone tablet over the grave asks the question: "Do you wish to know more? Seek in Melanchton's Fatherland." Haeger served as Chaplain of the New York contingent in the expedition against Canada in 1711. He died at the age of 37 years in 1721 and is presumed to have been buried at East Camp near present day Germantown. Of the work of these two clergymen, Rev., LaRoy Deitrich of West Camp in an address before the Palatine Society in 1942 said: "Four Christian congregations were founded, two on each side of the river (Hudson). Two houses of worship were provided shortly after they landed, although of rude structure and possibly shared during the week with the school teacher for the mental advancement of the young; the pastors and their faithful followers must have sung 'Ein Feste Burgh' and 'Nun Danket Alle Gott' with tear-stained face and gleaming eye, as they praised God in the sanctuary and received strength from on high in the worship of their Saviour." "Concerning Rev. Haeger we know little more than we do of Kocherthal. Haeger was ordained by the Bishop of London on December 20th", 1709, and labored among the Palatines at one of their temporary encampments in England, and on board of one of the ships on the way over. It seems that neither Kocherthal or Haeger were on the first ship to arrive in New York Bay. They found when they landed that Rev. Justus Falckner, a Lutheran clergyman, was already administering to the Palatines that had landed. Although Kocherthal and Haeger were of necessity rivals (one a Lutheran, the other a Reformed), and human nature being what it is, we would expect to hear of discord between them. Yet such is not the case, proving thereby that both men were filled with the spirit of Jesus, and were determinated to do conscientiously what each felt was the will of God. It speaks well for both of them, and as a result the work of the church, which was their primary business, progressed, and the spiritual needs of all the Palatines were satisfied." "Rev. Haeger failed in his attempt to proselytize for the Church of England, but he is honored today as the first pastor of the Mother Palatine Reformed Churches on both banks of the river (Hudson). Rev. Haeger's record book has never been found." The Gazetteer of New York by Thomas F. Gordon in 1836 said: "Rev. Haeger baptized 61 children and married 101 couples between July, 1710, and July, 1712." Rev. Kocherthal officiated at the marriage of Rev. Haeger to Anna Catharina Rohrbach on November 13th, 1716. The story of the harmony between the first Palatine clergymen of different faiths on the New York frontier should not be forgotten even in our day. It should be noted that Kocherthal, Haeger, Berkenmeyer, Ehele and Sommer served all the Palatines and held services in nearly all the community churches of the Hudson, Schoharie and Mohawk valleys. CONGREGATION AND CHURCH BUILDING The successor of Rev. John Frederick Haeger in the Hudson Valley was the Rev. John Jacob Ehele, who like Haeger was formerly of the Reformed faith and like Ehele he also was ordained by the Bishop of London and made a missionary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Ehele was born in the Palatinate about 1690, educated at the University of Heidelberg and arrived in the New York Province in 1722. He labored at first among the Palatines along the Hudson River, then in the Schoharie Valley, but from 1742 his ministry was entirely in the Schoharie and Mohawk Valleys. He ministered to congregations in the Schoharie Valley, Stone Arabia, Indian Castle and Little Falls - Remensnyder's Bush - Manheim areas. Pastor Ehele officiated at one of the marriages of Joseph Brant, the noted Iroquois War Chief. The Indians gave him a valuable tract of land near Nelliston, held by his descendants down to the present time. He died at 92 years of age, held in high esteem by both white and red men and was buried in the old Frey plot at Palatine Bridge. In all of the first Palatine settlements, whether at Newburgh, East or West Camp, Loonenburgh (Athens), Catskill, Germantown, Rhinebeck, Rhinecliff, Welserdorf (Middleburgh), Brunnendorf and Foxesdorf (Schoharie), Stone Arabia, Palatine Church (Fox's Mills), Little Falls - Remensnyder's Bush - Manheim Herkimer, Fort Herkimer, Mohawk, Ilion or Frankfort these pioneers followed about the same general pattern, i.e., in two or three years after permanent locations and shelters had been provided for their families they rolled up a log building that was devoted to church and school purposes before they had a resident clergyman. And when the resident clergyman came he was often both the pastor and the school teacher. In a decade or so the log church was displaced by one of stone or of frame construction or sometimes of brick if there happened to be good clay for brick making in the vicinity. The Fort Herkimer Church congregation was organized in 1723. A log church and school building was erected a year or two later. The deed for the land on which the log church stood was dated September 24th, 1730. The receipt for fifteen pounds was signed by "Nicholas Wohllaben." The construction of the stone church was begun within a few years and finally completed in 1767. This stone church was also used as a fort, which no doubt delayed its completion. The walls were raised to their present height in 1812-13, giving upstairs space for a gallery and the north side entrance was changed to the west end of the building. The Fort Herkimer Church, with possibly one or two exceptions, is the oldest church edifice standing in New York State. No more impressive interior, typical of the European Churches of the 16th century, can be found with its two winding, railed stairways leading up to high octagon pulpit under a large wooden sounding board. In exterior design, the stone Lutheran Palatine Church (now known as the Palatine Shrine) east of St. Johnsville, and the stone Reformed Church at Stone Arabia are splendid specimens of church architecture of the long ago. The stone for all these old Palatine stone churches was quarried by the parishioners within the immediate vicinity of each church. The Palatine Church (Shrine) Tower is crowned by a bronze cock weathervane, as was customary in Europe, and the original plan of the interior, as originally constructed, is now being restored. The Rev. Justus Falckner of New York City extended his missionary work to the Palatines in the Hudson and Schoharie Valleys and East New Jersey after the death of Pastor Kocher thal in 1719. Kocherthal's church records, begun on shipboard in 1710 and continued to his death, are among the most valuable of Palatine family records. They are on file at the State Library in Albany and have been published several times. At first religious services were held in groves, homes, barns, and log churches. Musical instruments were not used in the services for many years. Even Bibles, hymn books and tuning forks were very scarce. Yet these worshippers made some attempt to keep familiar with Bach and the hymns of Martin Luther. It was hard for the missionary clergymen of those days to reach all of their congregations in any one year. Travel along the Hudson River was by sailboat and in the back areas by horseback, and sometimes the clergymen were conveyed in the wagons of their parishioners. Pastor Falckner traveled 1,200 miles one year and even then was unable to visit all his parishloners. Rev. Haeger received a bad fall from his horse when the saddle cinch broke, and on another occasion he records when driving between Schenectady and Livingston Manor that he was chased by drunken Indians. It was under such circumstances that the missionary pastors of the pioneers labored. Before the resident pastors came, the Lutheran and Reformed groups frequently worshipped as one congregation. Falckner died in 1723 and he was succeeded by the Rev. William Berkenmeyer. Berkenmeyer was born in the Duchy of Lueneburg in the Palatinate in 1686, and arrived in the Province of New York in 1725. He brought with him a library of 367 volumes, probably one of the largest collection of books in America at that time; 225 of these volumes are now in the Wttenberg College Library at Springfield, Ohio. During the interval without pastoral visitations, much strife, dissension and chaos developed in several congregations. It took Berkenmeyer nearly six years to re-establish order and regular services in all the scattered frontier congregations. He made Loonenburgh, now Athenson-the Hudson, his headquarters and ministered to the widely scattered Palatine congregations in the Hudson, Schoharie and Mohawk Valleys. He was a good administrator who extended his field of influence over twenty-six years to twelve congregations. He died in 1751. The first resident Lutheran clergyman to serve the Palatines in the Schoharie and Mohawk Valleys was the Rev. Peter Nicholas Sommer. He accepted a call from the Schoharie congregation and arrived in the Province from Hamburg in 1743 and continued his labors among the Palatines for forty-six years. While his headquarters were at Schoharie he did much traveling in the Hudson, Schoharie and Mohawk Valleys. He organized congregations at Little Falls and Manheim in 1743 and at Geissenberg in 1745 and the Palatine Church congregation in 1749. Pastor Sommer received both negro slaves and Indian members in his congregations. He baptized no less than eighty-four Indians and was one of the most successful of all pioneer clergymen with the Indians of that early date. He ceased his labors when eighty years of age on account of blindness. He died in 1795 at the age of eighty-six and is buried now at the site of the former St. Paul's Stone Church in the hill cemetery above Schoharie village. His first interment was at Sharon, New York. The Rev. George Michael Weiss was the first resident Reformed minister in the Schoharie and Mohawk Valleys, arriving in this field from the Palatinate about 1730, having served previously in Pennsylvania. He graduated from the University of Heidelberg at the age of eighteen, arrived in America in 1727 on the ship William and Sarah, being on board enroute four and a half months. After laboring in the Schoharie and Mohawk Valleys, Rev. Weiss went to the Hudson Valley and then returned to Pennsylvania, where he died in 1762 at the age of 62 years. Both Berkenmeyer and Weiss at one time were the owners of slaves and both gave them their freedom. Another outstanding clergyman born in the Palatine in 1737 was the Rev. John Daniel Gros. He served Reformed Churches in New York City and Pennsylvania and lectured at Kings College (now Columbia) and at Rutgers Universities. During the Revolutionary War lie preached in the Mohawk Valley, serving as the minister of "Sand Hill" Reformed Church, from which both the Reformed Churches at Canajoharie and Fort Plain sprang. The "Sand Hill" Church was burned in the British - Indian raid of 1780. Domine Gros was the chaplain of three regiments in the Revolution and became an extensive land owner after the war. He died in 1812 and is buried at Fort Plain. He was a Regent of the University of the St

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Annetjen Juliana Maul's Timeline

March 24, 1689
September 7, 1712
Age 23
Kingston, Ulster, New York, USA
Age 24
Kingston, Ulster, New York, United States
November 3, 1717
Age 28
Montgomery, Orange, New York
Age 32
April 17, 1726
Age 37
Walkill Township, Orange County, New York
September 25, 1727
Age 38
Walkill, Orange, NY
February 4, 1751
Age 62
Age 61
New York, USA