Lu Ji, 陸機, 字:士衡

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Ji Shiheng, 字:士衡 Lu 陸

Chinese: 【(吳郡吳縣)】 陸機(四) (士衡)
Birthdate:
Death: 303 (41-43)
Immediate Family:

Son of Lu Kang, 陸抗, 字:幼節 and Zhang 張
Father of 陸蔚 and 陸夏
Brother of Lu Yan, 陸晏; Lu Jing, 陸景, 字:士仁; 陸氏; Lu Yun 陸雲; 陸庭 and 4 others

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Immediate Family

About Lu Ji, 陸機, 字:士衡

Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303), zi Shiheng 士衡, Western Jin writer.

Lu Ji’s ancestral home was Wu 吳 of Wu commandery 吳郡 (modern Suzhou in Jiangsu). He was a member of a prominent family of the Wu state. Lu Ji’s grandfather Lu Xun 陸遜 (183–245) served as prime minister of Wu, and his father Lu Kang 陸抗 (226–274) was minister of war. He is the older brother of Lu Yun 陸雲 (262–303).

Lu Xun was an early supporter of the Wu founder Sun Quan 孫權 (r. 222–252). He was married to Sun Quan’s sister. In 219, Lu Xun led the Wu army to a decisive victory over the Shu general Guan Yu 關羽 (d. 219), and as a reward Sun Quan enfeoffed him as Marquis of Huating 華亭. Huating then became the Lu family estate. It was located west of modern Shanghai (modern Songjiang 松江 county, Shanghai city). Although many scholars refer to Huating as Lu Ji’s ancestral home, his ancestral home was Wu commandery. In the third century, Huating was a scenic area that included a large valley and meandering river. It was also famous for its colony of cranes, whose crunkling could be heard from a great distance. Lu Xun was one of Sun Quan’s most able generals, and he was appointed prime minister of Wu in 244, one year before his death. In 245, Lu Xun became embroiled in a political struggle at the court between two of Sun Quan’s sons. Displeased with Lu Xun’s handling of the matter, Sun Quan repeatedly sent palace emissaries to admonish him. According to Lu Xun’s biography in the Sanguo zhi (58. 1345), Lu Xun died of “indignation” at the age of sixty-three.

When Lu Xun died in 245, Lu Kang took command of his father’s army. Lu Kang was the leader of the forces that fought against the Wei armies led by Sima Zhao 司馬昭 (211–265). While a number of the Wu commanders surrendered to the Wei, Lu Kang remained loyal to Wu, even after Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236–290) established the Jin dynasty in 265. In 272, the Wu commander Bu Chan 步闡 (d. 272) surrendered to the Jin. Lu Kang occupied Xiling 玲陵 (modern Yichang 宜昌, Hubei) to prevent it from falling into the hands of the Jin. After capturing Xiling, Lu Kang ordered the execution of Bu Chan and his family. Probably as a reward for this achievement, in 273 Lu Kang was named minister of war and governor of the large and important province of Jingzhou 荆州 (administrative seat Xiangyang 襄陽, modern Xiangfan city, Hubei), which seems to have been an area traditionally assigned to members of the Lu family. However, in autumn of 274, Lu Kang died of illness.

Lu Kang had six sons: Lu Yan 陸晏 (d. 280), Lu Jing 陸景 (249–280), Lu Xuan 陸玄 (n. d. ), Lu Ji, Lu Yun, and Lu Dan 陸耽 (d. 303). The oldest son Lu Yan succeeded his father as head of the family, but all of the sons except for the youngest, Lu Dan, shared in the command of Lu Kang’s army. Lu Ji was only fourteen years old at the time, but he was given the rank of yamen jiangjun 牙門將軍 (general of the banner gate). In December 279, the Jin sent a large army of over 200, 000 men to attack Wu from the west. Just before his death, Lu Kang had warned the Wu emperor to prepare for such an invasion. In the face of this overwhelming force, many of the Wu commanders surrendered without a fight. However, Lu Ji’s two older brothers Lu Yan and Lu Jing both were killed in battle with the Jin general Wang Jun 王浚 (206–285).

According to the traditional account summarized in the Jin shu, after the Jin conquest, Lu Ji and his brother Lu Yun retired to the family estate in Huating. They reputedly lived here for nearly ten years, engaging in scholarly pursuits and writing poetry until 289 when they received an invitation from the Jin court to take up office in Luoyang. However, there is good evidence that Lu Yun immediately entered official service under the Jin. Lu Ji entered the service of the Jin later than Lu Yun. Shortly after the Jin conquest, Lu wrote a long two-part expository essay, “Bian wang lun” 辨亡論 (Disquisition on the fall of a state) in which he discusses the reasons for Wu’s defeat.

There is some confusion about when and under whom Lu Ji first served when he went to the capital. According to the conventional account, Lu Ji remained in Wu until 289 when he was invited to join the staff of the grand tutor Yang Jun 楊駿 (d. 291). However, based on the evidence of Lu Ji’s “Xie Pingyuan neishi biao” 謝平原內史表 (Petition expressing thanks for the post of administrator of Pingyuan) dated 301, in which he says he had been serving in office at Luoyang for nine years, he must have taken his first position in Luoyang not in 289, but 292. Thus, he could not have served Yang Jun, who was killed in 291. However, Lu Ji may have traveled to Luoyang some time before this. He could have met Yang Jun, who summoned Lu Ji to office, but Lu Ji may not have taken up the position. At this time he also met Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300), who introduced him to prominent men at the court. Lu Ji’s first position in Luoyang probably was attendant to the heir designate, Sima Yu 司馬遹 (d. 300), also known by his posthumous name Minhuai taizi 愍懷太子 (Crown Prince Mournfully Recalled). The heir designate’s Eastern Palace was the center of social activity in the capital, and prominent men attended the numerous gatherings that took place there. A frequent visitor to the Eastern Palace was Jia Mi 賈謐 (d. 300), who was the nephew of Empress Jia 賈后 (d. 300), the chief consort of Emperor Hui 惠 (r. 291–306). Lu Ji wrote several poems for gatherings hosted by the prince. One of these pieces, titled “Huang taizi yan Xuanpu Xuanyou tang you ling fu shi” 皇太子宴玄圃宣猷堂有令賦詩 (Poem composed on command for the August Heir Designate’s Banquet at the You Hall in the Xuan Garden), is contained in the Wen xuan.

In 294, Lu Ji accepted a position on the staff of the Wu prince Sima Yan 司馬宴 (281–311), who was stationed in the southeast. In 296, Lu Ji was summoned back to the capital where he was appointed gentleman of palace writers. To celebrate Lu Ji’s return, Jia Mi commissioned Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300) to compose in Jia Mi’s name a long poem in tetrasyllabic meters titled “Wei Jia Mi zuo zeng Lu Ji” 為賈謐作贈陸機 (Presented to Lu Ji, written on behalf of Jia Mi). This poem consists of eleven eight-line stanzas and is included in the Wen xuan. Lu Ji replied with a poem in the same meter and length titled “Da Jia Changyuan” 答賈長淵 (Replying to Jia Mi). While serving in Luoyang, Lu Ji was a member of the literary coterie centered about Jia Mi called the Twenty-four Companions.

In 300, Empress Jia instigated the assassination of Crown Prince Minhuai. Sima Lun 司馬倫 (d. 301) then deposed Empress Jia and ordered her and Jia Mi put to death, along with her associates Zhang Hua and Pan Yue. After declaring himself prime minister of state, Sima Lun appointed Lu Ji as his aide. Having observed the death of numerous family members and friends during this turbulent period, Lu Ji then composed “Tan shi fu” 歎逝賦 (Fu on lamenting the departed) to express grief at their passing.

In 301, Sima Lun plotted to seize the imperial throne for himself. After Sima Lun’s army was defeated by Sima Jiong 司馬冏 (d. 303) and Sima Ying 司馬穎 (279–306), Lu Ji was arrested and put on trial. Through the intercession of Sima Ying, Lu Ji was able to have his capital punishment sentence reduced to banishment to the frontier. However, before Lu Ji could depart for his exile, he was released from his punishment by a general amnesty. To express his gratitude to Sima Ying, Lu Ji composed two “Yuan kui shi” 園葵詩 (Poems on the garden mallow). One of them is included in Wen xuan. It was also about this time that Lu Ji composed his famous “Wen fu” 文賦 (Fu on literature).

Lu Ji then joined the staff of Sima Ying, who appointed him administrator of Pingyuan 平原 (administrative center south of modern Pingyuan, Shandong). The petition thanking Sima Ying for granting him this post is contained in Wen xuan 37. In 303, Sima Yong 司馬顒 (d. 306), prince of Hejian 河間, and Sima Ying joined in a military campaign against Sima Yi 司馬乂 (d. 303), prince of Changsha, who had killed Sima Jiong. Sima Ying appointed Lu Ji commander-in-chief of the vanguard. During the ensuing battle, Lu Ji’s army was defeated outside one of the gates of Luoyang. Accused of plotting revolt, Lu Ji was put to death along with his two sons and brothers.

A large portion of Lu Ji’s writings has been lost. In the Eastern Jin period Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343; alt. 283–363) reported that he saw a collection of the writings of Lu Ji and his brother Lu Yun that consisted of “one hundred and some juan.” He also added that this collection was not complete. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records a Liang dynasty catalogue that listed Lu Ji’s collection in forty-seven juan with a table of contents in one juan. This was lost already in the early Tang. The version seen by the compilers of the Sui shu had only fourteen juan. Both Tang histories record a fifteen-juan version. Scholars believe the extra juan may be the table of contents. By the Southern Song Lu Ji’s collection is reduced to ten juan. This probably is a reconstructed collection. The only known Song printing is the Jin erjun wenji 晉二俊文集 done by Xu Minzhan 徐民瞻 (fl. 1200). This probably was the basis for the earliest extant printing of Lu Ji’s collection, the Lu Shiheng wenji 陸士衡文集 issued by Lu Yuanda 陸元大 in 1519.

The Lu Yuanda version of the Lu Shiheng wenji contains 25 fu, 106 shi to 75 titles, and 20 prose works to 19 titles (one of which, the “Liu chushi Shen qi Wangshi lei” 流處士參妻王氏誄 is not by Lu Ji). It also includes the “Yan Lianzhu” 演連珠 (Linked-pearls expanded) which consists of fifty pieces. Scholars have discovered other pieces, including 3 fu, 50 poems to 30 titles, and 5 prose pieces that were left out of the Lu Yuanda version.

Lu Ji is considered one of the most distinguished early medieval Chinese writers. Zhong Rong placed his poems in the upper grade of his Shi pin. The compilers of the Wen xuan selected a large number of pieces in various genre groups. His fifty-two-poem corpus is the largest in the Wen xuan. Seventeen of Lu Ji’s poems selected for the Wen xuan are yuefu. Lu Ji’s extant collection contains an additional thirty-two pieces in twenty-one titles. The vast majority of the pieces are written to Han or Wei period yuefu titles, and some of them are close imitations of earlier poems. For example, “Duan ge xing” 短歌行 (Short song) follows both the prosodic form (tetrasyllabic line) and theme of Cao Cao’s yuefu by this same title. Lu Ji also is well-known for his set of twelve “Ni gu shi” 擬古詩 (Imitating ancient poems) in which he composed his own versions of all but one of the pieces that the compilers of the Wen xuan selected for the set known as “Gu shi shijiu shou” 古詩十九首 (Nineteen ancient poems). Lu Ji’s poetic corpus also includes a goodly number of poems on travel. One of his best known pieces is “Fu Luo dao zhong zuo” 赴洛道中作 (Written on the road to Luo), a two-part poem he composed when he was traveling from Wu to take up office in Luoyang. Lu Ji exchanged poems with a number of his contemporaries, including his Wu compatriot Gu Rong 顧榮 (270–322), his younger brother Lu Yun, Pan Ni 潘尼 (ca. 247–ca. 311) and Pan Yue. One of the distinguishing features of Lu Ji’s verse is his extensive use of the parallel couplet, even in his yuefu.

Lu Ji is also an accomplished fu poet. He is best known for his “Wen fu,” which is an important work of medieval Chinese literary thought and criticism. The piece primarily concerns the process of literary composition. Lu Ji first examines the sources of literary creation, which he attributes to the writer’s emotional response to the cosmos, nature, and the passing of the seasons, as well as his experience with other literary works. To Lu Ji writing is a contemplative, spiritual act in which the writer, much like a Taoist sage, suspends his sight and hearing to embark on a spirit journey for his literary inspiration. Thus, he is able “to view past and present in a single instant, /And touch the entire world in the blink of an eye.” Lu Ji also touches on the relationship between thought and language, a subject that was often discussed by the xuanxue thinkers of his time. One of the most important sections of the “Wen fu” sets forth the norms that Lu Ji associates with ten genres. His statements on the shi and fu were especially influential in the Chinese literary tradition. Lu Ji also establishes criteria for judging good writing notably harmony (he 和), resonance (ying 應), dignity (ya 雅), beauty (yan 艷), and strong feeling (bei 悲).

A number of Lu Ji’s fu pieces are on personal subjects. For example, in such pieces as “Si qin fu” 思親賦 (Fu on longing for kin) and “Huai tu fu” 懷土賦 (Fu on yearning for my home) he expresses homesickness for his native Wu. Like other Western Jin poets, Lu Ji also wrote a number of fu on yongwu themes, including two pieces on clouds, one on the clepsydra, and a delightful piece on the melon.

Lu Ji’s prose corpus includes the famous “Bian wang lun” that he wrote while still residing in Wu. In this essay he discusses the reasons for the fall of the Wu state. He attributes the Wu defeat not to a lack of good military leaders or strategies, but to its failure to make use of the talented men it had. The work is a model of parallel prose of which Lu Ji is an acknowledged master.

Another of Lu Ji’s famous prose works is “Yan lian zhu” 演連珠 (Strung pearls expanded). This is a set of fifty carefully crafted aphorisms, each of which begins with the phrase “I have heard.” It is the only example of this form included in the Wen xuan.

Lu Ji was also a distinguished calligrapher. One example of his calligraphy, the “Pingfu tie” 平復帖 (Recovering from illness) has survived. It is now in the collection of the Palace Museum in Beijing. The piece is a short eighty-six-character note that he composed in draft cursive to his friend identified as Yanxian 彥先, who had been ill. The most likely person to whom this refers is He Xun 賀循 (260–319).

David R. Knechtges

Citation

Lu Ji 陸機 [33671] Zhou Jiayou, 2.302. Jinshu, 54.1467-1481.

陸機(四) (士衡)生平 (中文)

《晉書》卷54

陸機,字士衡,吳郡人也。祖遜,吳丞相。父抗,吳大司馬。機身長七尺,其聲如鐘。少有異才,文章冠世,伏膺儒術,非禮不動。抗卒,領父兵為牙門將。年二十而吳滅,退居舊裏,閉門勤學,積有十年。以孫氏在吳,而祖父世為將相,有大勳於江表,深慨孫皓舉而棄之,乃論權所以得,皓所以亡,又欲述其祖父功業,遂作《辯亡論》二篇。其上篇曰:

昔漢氏失禦,奸臣竊命,禍基京畿,毒遍宇內,皇綱弛頓,王室遂卑。於是群雄蜂駭,義兵四合。吳武烈皇帝慷慨下國,電發荊南,權略紛紜,忠勇伯世,威稜則夷羿震盪,兵交則醜虜授馘,遂掃清宗祊,蒸禋皇祖。於時雲興之將帶州,猋起之師跨邑,哮闞之群風驅,熊羆之族霧合。雖兵以義動,同盟戮力,然皆苞藏禍心,阻兵怙亂,或師無謀律,喪威稔寇。忠規武節,未有如此其著者也。
武烈既沒,長沙桓王逸才命世,弱冠秀髮,招攬遺老,與之述業。神兵東驅,奮寡犯眾,攻無堅城之將,戰無交鋒之虜。誅叛柔服,而江外底定;飭法修師,則威德翕赫。賓禮名賢,而張公為之雄;交禦豪俊,而周瑜為之傑。彼二君子皆弘敏而多奇,雅達而聰哲,故同方者以類附,等契者以氣集,江東蓋多士矣。將北伐諸華,誅鉏幹紀,旋皇輿於夷庚,反帝坐於紫闥,挾天子以令諸侯,清天步而歸舊物。戎車既次,群凶側目,大業未就,中世而殞。
用集我大皇帝,以奇蹤襲逸軌,睿心因令圖,從政咨於故實,播憲稽乎遺風;而加之以篤敬,申之以節儉,疇諮俊茂,好謀善斷,束帛旅於丘園,旌命交乎塗巷。故豪彥尋聲而響臻,志士晞光而景騖,異人輻輳,猛士如林。於是張公為師傅;周瑜、陸公、魯肅、呂蒙之儔,入為腹心,出為股肱;甘甯、淩統、程普、賀齊、硃桓、硃然之徒奮其威,韓當、潘璋、黃蓋、蔣欽、周泰之屬宣其力;風雅則諸葛瑾、張承、步騭以名聲光國,政事則顧雍、潘浚、呂范、呂岱以器任幹職,奇偉則虞翻、陸績、張惇以風義舉政,奉使則趙咨、沈珩以敏達延譽,術數則吳范、趙達以禨祥協德;董襲、陳武殺身以衛主,駱統、劉基強諫以補過。謀無遺計,舉不失策。故遂割據山川,跨制荊、吳,而與天下爭衡矣。魏氏嘗藉戰勝之威,率百萬之師,浮鄧塞之舟,下漢陰之眾,羽楫萬計,龍躍順流,銳師千旅,武步原隰,謨臣盈室,武將連衡,喟然有吞江滸之志,壹宇宙之氣。而周瑜驅我偏師,黜之赤壁,喪旗亂轍,僅而獲免,收跡遠遁。漢王亦憑帝王之號,帥巴、漢之人,乘危騁變,結壘千里,志報關羽之敗,圖收湘西之地。而我陸公亦挫之西陵,覆師敗績,困而後濟,絕命永安。續以濡須之寇,臨川摧銳;蓬蘢之戰,孑輪不反。由是二邦之將,喪氣挫鋒,勢<血醜>財匱,而吳莞然坐乘其弊,故魏人請好,漢氏乞盟,遂躋天號,鼎峙而立。西界庸、益之郊,北裂淮、漢之涘,東苞百越之地,南括群蠻之表。於是講八代之禮,搜三王之樂,告類上帝,拱揖群後。武臣毅卒,循江而守;長棘勁鎩,望猋而奮。庶尹盡規於上,黎元展業於下,化協殊裔,風衍遐圻。乃俾一介行人,撫巡外域,巨象逸駿,擾於外閑,明珠瑋寶,耀於內府,珍瑰重跡而至,奇玩應響而赴;輶軒騁於南荒,沖輣息於朔野;黎庶免干戈之患,戎馬無晨服之虞,而帝業固矣。
大皇既沒,幼主蒞朝,奸回肆虐。景皇聿興,虔修遺憲,政無大闕,守文之良主也。降及歸命之初,典刑未滅,故老猶存。大司馬陸公以文武熙朝,左丞相陸凱以謇諤盡規,而施績、範慎以威重顯,丁奉、鐘離斐以武毅稱,孟宗、丁固之徒為公卿,樓玄、賀邵之屬掌機事,元首雖病,股肱猶良。爰逮末葉,群公既喪,然後黔首有瓦解之患,皇家有土崩之釁,曆命應化而微,王師躡運而發,卒散於陳,眾奔於邑,城池無籓籬之固,山川無溝阜之勢,非有工輸雲梯之械,智伯灌激之害,楚子築室之圍,燕人濟西之隊,軍未浹辰而社稷夷矣。雖忠臣孤憤,烈士死節,將奚救哉!
夫曹、劉之將非一世所選,向時之師無曩日之眾,戰守之道抑有前符,險阻之利俄然未改,而成敗貿理,古今詭趣,何哉?彼此之化殊,授任之才異也。

其下篇曰:

昔三方之王也,魏人據中夏,漢氏有岷、益,吳制荊、揚而掩有交、廣。曹氏雖功濟諸華,虐亦深矣,其人怨。劉翁因險以飾智,功已薄矣,其俗陋。夫吳,桓王基之以武,太祖成之以德,聰明睿達,懿度弘遠矣。其求賢如弗及,血阝人如稚子,接士盡盛德之容,親仁罄丹府之愛。拔呂蒙於戎行,試潘浚於系虜。推誠信士,不恤人之我欺;量能授器,不患權之我偪。執鞭鞠躬,以重陸公之威;悉委武衛,以濟周瑜之師。卑宮菲食,豐功臣之賞;披懷虛己,納謨士之算。故魯肅一面而自托,士燮蒙險而效命。高張公之德,而省游田之娛;賢諸葛之言,而割情慾之歡;感陸公之規,而除刑法之煩;奇劉基之議,而作三爵之誓;屏氣跼蹐,以伺子明之疾;分滋損甘,以育淩統之孤;登壇慷愾,歸魯子之功;削投怨言,信子瑜之節。是以忠臣競盡其謨,志士鹹得肆力,洪規遠略,固不厭夫區區者也。故百官苟合,庶務未遑。初都建鄴,群臣請備禮秩,天子辭而弗許,曰:「天下其謂朕何!」宮室輿服,蓋慊如也。爰及中葉,天人之分既定,故百度之缺粗修,雖醲化懿綱,未齒乎上代,抑其體國經邦之具,亦足以為政矣。地方幾萬里,帶甲將百萬,其野沃,其兵練,其器利,其財豐;東負滄海,西阻險塞,長江制其區宇,峻山帶其封域,國家之利未見有弘於茲者也。借使守之以道,禦之以術,敦率遺典,勤人謹政,修定策,守常險,則可以長世永年,未有危亡之患也。
或曰:「吳、蜀脣齒之國也,夫蜀滅吳亡,理則然矣。」夫蜀,蓋籓援之與國,而非吳人之存亡也。其郊境之接,重山積險,陸無長轂之徑;川厄流迅,水有驚波之艱。雖有銳師百萬,啟行不過千夫;軸轤千里,前驅不過百艦。故劉氏之伐,陸公喻之長蛇,其勢然也。昔蜀之初亡,朝臣異謀,或欲積石以險其流,或欲機械以禦其變。天子總群議以諮之大司馬陸公,公以四瀆天地之所以節宣其氣,固無可遏之理,而機械則彼我所共,彼若棄長技以就所屈,即荊、楚而爭舟楫之用,是天贊我也,將謹守峽口以待擒耳。逮步闡之亂,憑寶城以延強寇,資重幣以誘群蠻。於時大邦之眾,雲翔電發,懸旍江介,築壘遵渚,衿帶要害,以止吳人之西,巴、漢舟師,沿江東下。陸公偏師三萬,北據東坑,深溝高壘,按甲養威。反虜宛跡待戮,而不敢北窺生路,強寇敗績宵遁,喪師太半。分命銳師五千,西禦水軍,東西同捷,獻俘萬計。信哉賢人之謀,豈欺我哉!自是烽燧罕驚,封域寡虞。陸公沒而潛謀兆,吳釁深而六師駭。夫太康之役,眾未盛乎曩日之師;廣州之亂,禍有愈乎向時之難,而邦家顛覆,宗廟為墟。嗚呼!「人之雲亡,邦國殄瘁」,不其然歟!
《易》曰「湯、武革命順乎天」,或曰「亂不極則治不形」,言帝王之因天時也。古人有言曰「天時不如地利」,《易》曰「王侯設險以守其國」,言為國之恃險也。又曰「地利不如人和」,「在德不在險」,言守險之在人也。吳之興也,參而由焉,孫卿所謂合其參者也。及其亡也,恃險而已,又孫卿所謂舍其參者也。夫四州之萌非無眾也,大江以南非乏俊也,山川之險易守也,勁利之器易用也,先政之策易修也,功不興而禍遘何哉?所以用之者失也。故先王達經國之長規,審存亡之至數,謙己以安百姓,敦惠以致人和,寬沖以誘俊乂之謀,慈和以結士庶之愛。是以其安也,則黎元與之同慶,及其危也,則兆庶與之同患。安與眾同慶,則其危不可得也;危與下同患,則其難不足血阝也。夫然,故能保其社稷而固其土宇,《麥秀》無悲殷之思,《黍離》無湣周之感也。

至太康末,與弟雲俱入洛,造太常張華。華素重其名,如舊相識,曰:「伐吳之役,利獲二俊。」又嘗詣侍中王濟,濟指羊酪謂機曰:「卿吳中何以敵此?」答云:「千里蓴羹,未下鹽豉。」時人稱為名對。張華薦之諸公。後太傅楊駿辟為祭酒。會駿誅,累遷太子洗馬、著作郎。范陽盧志於眾中問機曰:「陸遜、陸抗於君近遠?」機曰:「如君於盧毓、盧廷。」志默然。既起,雲謂機曰:「殊邦遐遠,容不相悉,何至於此!」機曰:「我父祖名播四海,寧不知邪!」議者以此定二陸之優劣。

吳王晏出鎮淮南,以機為郎中令,遷尚書中兵郎,轉殿中郎。趙王倫輔政,引為相國參軍。豫誅賈謐功,賜爵關中侯。倫將篡位,以為中書郎。倫之誅也,齊王冏以機職在中書,九錫文及禪詔疑機與焉,遂收機等九人付廷尉。賴成都王穎、吳王晏並救理之,得減死徙邊,遇赦而止。

初機有駿犬,名曰黃耳,甚愛之。既而羈寓京師,久無家問,笑語犬曰:「我家絕無書信,汝能齎書取消息不?」犬搖尾作聲。機乃為書以竹筒盛之而系其頸,犬尋路南走,遂至其家,得報還洛。其後因以為常。時中國多難,顧榮、戴若思等咸勸機還吳,機負其才望,而志匡世難,故不從。

冏既矜功自伐,受爵不讓,機惡之,作《豪士賦》以刺焉。其序曰:

夫立德之基有常,而建功之路不一。何則?修心以為量者存乎我,因物以成務者系乎彼。存乎我者,隆殺止乎其域;系乎彼者,豐約惟所遭遇。落葉俟微飆以隕,而風之力蓋寡;孟嘗遭雍門以泣,而琴之感以末。何哉?欲隕之葉無所假烈風,將墜之泣不足煩哀響也。是故苟時啟於天,理盡於人,庸夫可以濟聖賢之功,鬥筲可以定烈士之業。故曰「才不半古,功已倍之」,蓋得之於時世也。曆觀今古,徼一時之功而居伊、周之位者有矣。
夫我之自我,智士猶嬰其累;物之相物,昆蟲皆有此情。夫以自我之量而挾非常之勳,神器暉其顧眄,萬物隨其俯仰,心玩居常之安,耳飽從諛之說,豈識乎功在身外,任出才表者哉!且好榮惡辱,有生之所大期,忌盈害上,鬼神猶且不免,人主操其常柄,天下服其大節,故曰天可仇乎。而時有玄服荷戟,立乎廟門之下,援旗誓眾,奮於阡陌之上,況乎世主制命,自下裁物者乎!廣樹恩不足以敵怨,勤興利不足以補害,故曰代大匠斫者必傷其手。且夫政由甯氏,忠臣所以慷慨;祭則寡人,人主所不久堪。是以君奭怏怏,不悅公旦之舉;高平師師,側目博陸之勢。而成王不遣嫌吝於懷,宣帝若負芒刺於背,非其然者歟?
嗟乎!光於四表,德莫富焉。王曰叔父,親莫昵焉。登帝天位,功莫厚焉。守節沒齒,忠莫至焉。而傾側顛沛,僅而自全,則伊生抱明允以嬰戮,文子懷忠敬而齒劍,固其所也。因斯以言,夫以篤聖穆親,如彼之懿,大德至忠,如此之盛,尚不能取信於人主之懷,止謗於眾多之口,過此以往,惡睹其可!安危之理,斷可識矣。又況乎饕大名以冒道家之忌,運短才而易聖哲所難者哉!身危由於勢過,而不知去勢以求安;禍積起於寵盛,而不知辭寵以招福。見百姓之謀己,則申宮警守,以崇不畜之威;懼萬方之不服,則嚴刑峻制,以賈傷心之怨。然後威窮乎震主,而怨行乎上下,眾心日陊,危機將發,而方偃仰瞪眄,謂足以誇世,笑古人之未工,忘己事之已拙,知曩勳之可矜,暗成敗之有會。是以事窮運盡,必有顛仆;風起塵合,而禍至常酷也。聖人忌功名之過己,惡寵祿之逾量,蓋為此也。
夫惡欲之大端,賢愚所共有,而遊子殉高位於生前,志士思垂名於身後,受生之分,惟此而已。夫蓋世之業,名莫盛焉;率意無違,欲莫順焉。借使伊人頗覽天道,知盡不可益,盈難久持,超然自引,高揖而退,則巍巍之盛,仰邈前賢,洋洋之風,俯觀來籍,而大欲不止於身,至樂無愆乎舊,節彌效而德彌廣,身逾逸而名逾劭。此之不為,而彼之必昧,然後河海之跡堙為窮流,一匱之釁積成山嶽,名編凶頑之條,身厭荼毒之痛,豈不謬哉!故聊為賦焉,庶使百世少有悟雲。
冏不之悟,而竟以敗。

機又以聖王經國,義在封建,因采其遠指,著《五等論》曰:

夫體國經野,先王所慎,創制垂基,思隆後葉。然而經略不同,長世異術。五等之制,始於黃、唐,郡縣之治,創於秦、漢,得失成敗,備在典謨,是以其詳可得而言。
夫王者知帝業至重,天下至廣。廣不可以偏制,重不可以獨任。任重必於借力,制廣終乎因人。故設官分職,所以輕其任也;並建伍長,所以弘其制也。於是乎立其封疆之典,裁其親疏之宜,使萬國相維,以成磐石之固;宗庶雜居,而定維城之業。又有以見綏世之長禦,識人情之大方,知其為人不如厚己,利物不如圖身;安上在於悅下,為己存乎利人。故《易》曰「悅以使人,人忘其勞」,孫卿曰「不利而利之,不如利而後利之利也」。是以分天下以厚樂,則己得與之同憂;饗天下以豐利,而己得與之共害。利博而恩篤,樂遠則憂深,故諸侯享食土之實,萬國受傳世之祚。夫然,則南面之君各務其政,九服之內知有定主,上之子愛於是乎生,下之禮信於是乎結,世平足以敦風,道衰足以禦暴。故強毅之國不能擅一時之勢,雄俊之人無所寄霸王之志。然後國安由萬邦之思化,主尊賴群後之圖身,譬猶眾目營方,則天網自昶;四體辭難,而心膂獲乂。蓋三代所以直道,四王所以垂業也。
夫盛衰隆弊,理所固有,教之廢興,系乎其人,原法期於必諒,明道有時而暗。故世及之制弊於強禦,厚下之典漏於末折,侵弱之釁遘自三委,陵夷之禍終乎七雄。昔成湯親照夏後之鑒,公旦目涉商人之戒,文質相濟,損益有物。然五等之禮,不革於時,封畛之制,有隆爾者,豈玩二王之禍而暗經世之算乎?固知百世非可懸禦,善制不能無弊,而侵弱之辱愈於殄祀,土崩之困痛於陵夷也。是以經始獲其多福,慮終取其少禍,非謂侯伯無可亂之符,郡縣非興化之具。故國憂賴其釋位,主弱憑於翼戴。及承微積弊,王室遂卑,猶保名位,祚垂後嗣,皇統幽而不輟,神器否而必存者,豈非事勢使之然歟!
降及亡秦,棄道任術,懲周之失,自矜其得。尋斧始於所庇,制國昧於弱下,國慶獨饗其利,主憂莫與共害。雖速亡趨亂,不必一道,顛沛之釁,實由孤立。是蓋思五等之小怨,亡萬國之大德,知陵夷之可患,暗土崩之為痛也。周之不競,有自來矣。國乏令主,十有餘世。然片言勤王,諸侯必應,一朝振矜,遠國先叛,故強晉收其請隧之圖,暴楚頓其觀鼎之志,豈劉、項之能窺關,勝、廣之敢號澤哉!借使秦人因循其制,雖則無道,有與共亡,覆滅之禍,豈在曩日!
漢矯秦枉,大啟王侯,境土逾溢,不遵舊典,故賈生憂其危,晁錯痛其亂。是以諸侯岨其國家之富,憑其士庶之力,勢足者反疾,土狹者逆遲,六臣犯其弱綱,七子沖其漏網,皇祖夷於黔徒,西京病於東帝。是蓋過正之災,而非建侯之累也。然呂氏之難,朝士外顧;宋昌策漢,必稱諸侯。逮至中葉,忌其失節,割削宗子,有名無實,天下曠然,復襲亡秦之軌矣。是以五侯作威,不忌萬國;新都襲漢,易於拾遺也。光武中興,纂隆皇統,而由遵覆車之遺轍,養喪家之宿疾,僅及數世,奸宄棄斥。卒有強臣專朝,則天下風靡,一夫從衡,而城池自夷,豈不危哉!
在周之衰,難興王室,放命者七臣,幹位者三子,嗣王委其九鼎,凶族據其天邑,鉦鼙震於閫宇,鋒鏑流於絳闕,然禍止畿甸,害不覃及,天下晏然,以安待危。是以宣王興於共和,襄惠振於晉、鄭。豈若二漢階闥暫擾,而四海已沸,嬖臣朝入,九服夕亂哉!
遠惟王莽篡逆之事,近覽董卓擅權之際,億兆悼心,愚智同痛。然周以之存,漢以之亡,夫何故哉?豈世乏曩時之臣,士無匡合之志歟?蓋遠績屈於時異,雄心挫於卑勢耳。故烈士扼腕,終委寇讎之手;中人變節,以助虐國之桀。雖復時有鳩合同志以謀王室,然上非奧主,下皆市人,師旅無先定之班,君臣無相保之志,是以義兵雲合,無救劫殺之禍,眾望未改,而已見大漢之滅矣。
或以「諸侯世位,不必常全,昏主暴君,有時比跡,故五等所以多亂。今之牧守,皆官方庸能,雖或失之,其得固多,故郡縣易以為政」。夫德之休明,黜陟日用,長率連屬,咸述其職,而淫昏之郡無所容過,何則其不治哉!故先代有以興矣。苟或衰陵,百度自悖,鬻官之吏以貨准財,則貪殘之萌皆群後也,安在其不亂哉!故後王有以之廢矣。且要而言之,五等之君,為己思政;郡縣之長,為吏圖物。何以征之?蓋企及進取,仕子之常志;修己安人,良士所希及。夫進取之情銳,而安人之譽遲,是故侵百姓以利己者,在位所不憚;損實事以養名者,官長所夙慕也。君無卒歲之圖,臣挾一時之志。五等則不然。知國為己土,眾皆我民;民安,己受其利;國傷,家嬰其病。故前人慾以垂後,後嗣思其堂構,為上無苟且之心,群下知膠固之義。使其並賢居政,則功有厚薄;兩愚處亂,則過有深淺。然則八代之制,幾可以一理貫;秦、漢之典,殆可以一言蔽也。
時成都王穎推功不居,勞謙下士。機既感全濟之恩,又見朝廷屢有變難,謂穎必能康隆晉室,遂委身焉。穎以機參大將軍軍事,表為平原內史。太安初,穎與河間王顒起兵討長沙王乂,假機後將軍、河北大都督,督北中郎將王粹、冠軍牽秀等諸軍二十餘萬人。機以三世為將,道家所忌,又羈旅入宦,屯居群士之右,而王粹、牽秀等皆有怨心,固辭都督。穎不許。機鄉人孫惠亦勸機讓都督於粹,機曰:「將謂吾為首鼠避賊,適所以速禍也。」遂行。穎謂機曰:「若功成事定,當爵為郡公,位以台司,將軍勉之矣!」機曰:「昔齊桓任夷吾以建九合之功,燕惠疑樂毅以失垂成之業,今日之事,在公不在機也。」穎左長史盧志心害機寵,言於穎曰:「陸機自比管、樂,擬君暗主,自古命將遣師,未有臣陵其君而可以濟事者也。」穎默然。機始臨戎,而牙旗折,意甚惡之。列軍自朝歌至於河橋,鼓聲聞數百里,漢、魏以來,出師之盛,未嘗有也。長沙王乂奉天子與機戰於鹿苑,機軍大敗,赴七里澗而死者如積焉,水為之不流,將軍賈棱皆死之。

初,宦人孟玖弟超並為穎所嬖寵。超領萬人為小都督,未戰,縱兵大掠。機錄其主者。超將鐵騎百餘人,直入機麾下奪之,顧謂機曰:「貉奴能作督不!」機司馬孫拯勸機殺之,機不能用。超宣言於眾曰:「陸機將反。」又還書與玖言機持兩端,軍不速決。及戰,超不受機節度,輕兵獨進而沒。玖疑機殺之,遂譖機於穎,言其有異志。將軍王闡、郝昌、公師籓等皆玖所用,與牽秀等共證之。穎大怒,使秀密收機。其夕,機夢黑幰繞車,手決不開,天明而秀兵至。機釋戎服,著白帢,與秀相見,神色自若,謂秀曰:「自吳朝傾覆,吾兄弟宗族蒙國重恩,入侍帷幄,出剖符竹。成都命吾以重任,辭不獲已。今日受誅,豈非命也!」因與穎箋,詞甚淒惻。既而歎曰:「華亭鶴唳,豈可復聞乎!」遂遇害於軍中,時年四十三。二子蔚、夏亦同被害。機既死非其罪,士卒痛之,莫不流涕。是日昏霧晝合,大風折木,平地尺雪,議者以為陸氏之冤。

機天才秀逸,辭藻宏麗,張華嘗謂之曰:「人之為文,常恨才少,而子更患其多。」弟雲嘗與書曰:「君苗見兄文,輒欲燒其筆硯。」後葛洪著書,稱「機文猶玄圃之積玉,無非夜光焉,五河之吐流,泉源如一焉。其弘麗妍贍,英銳漂逸,亦一代之絕乎!」其為人所推服如此。然好游權門,與賈謐親善,以進趣獲譏。所著文章凡三百餘篇,並行於世。

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