Bo Jonsson Grip

Bo Jonsson (Grip) (early 1330s – 20 August 1386) was head of the royal council and marshal under the regency of Magnus IV of Sweden. Also in the council was his friend and colleague, Karl Ulfsson av Ulvåsa, eldest son of Saint Birgitta. From 1369, during Albert of Sweden’s reign, he was Officialis Generalis (the king's highest official) and from 1371 Lord High Steward (drots in Swedish).

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bo_Jonsson_(Grip)
  

• en: The Ringstaholm castle on the island in the river Motala ström was erected by Bo Jonsson Grip in the 1370s and controlled the river traffic between the central Östergötland (the Glan Lake) and Bråviken bay. It was the seat of Grip´s bailiff. The castle was burnt down during an uprising of peasantry in 1470 an was never rebuilt. All that remains of it today are the foundations and parts of a ring-wall. The ruins of Ringstaholm castle are classified a protected ancient monument.

Bo Jonsson (Grip) Drots, Landlord

By the Swedish Biographical Dictionary

Bo Jonsson (Grip), born probably at the beginning of the 1330s, 20 Aug. 1386. Parents: Jon Tomasson and. Ingeborg Bosdotter.

Married 1) to Margareta Porse, d latest 26 sept. 1360; 2) with Margareta Lambrektsdotter Dume, after his death remarried to the knight Bengt Niklisson (see this) , d before 13 February. 1410 (buried this day): with her B. had the son Knut Bosson (see this one).

B ,: s coat of arms, a grappling head, gave the clue to the older genealogical research's quest to lead his lineage back to the Algot Sons (see this genus) through several different combinations, which have only recently been shown to be false; in particular, the presumption that B. would have been the grandson of Knut Folkesson has often been repeated. As far as B's paternal lineage can be followed with certainty, it does not appear to have possessed greater wealth or more advanced status. Its oldest known member is B's grandfather, Tomas Jonsson, who appears in Uppland in the 1290s, gm Katarina Ulvsdotter, daughter of a former unknown Ulv and wife Ramfrid Gustavsdotter (about this see Art. And 1). About him, it is only known that he later became a knight and died before 1318. His son Jon Tomasson appears to have divested his Swedish property and settled in Östergötland or northern Småland in connection with his marriage to Ingeborg Bosdotter around 1328. First this notable marriage should have given the family a place in the real aristocracy, when Ingeborg as daughter of Östgötalagman Bo Nilsson (Night and Day) and Cecilia Knutsdotter of Aspenäsätt were close friends with several of the nation's foremost descendants. Except for B. Jon Tomasson had a son Tomas, b. 1369.

B. is mentioned in preserved records at the earliest in 1354, but appears only sporadically in the next few years, until he 1358 even stands in the center of events during the second war between Magnus Eriksson and his son Erik. Perhaps because of his distant relationship with Erik's enemy Bengt Algotsson, B. had taken Magnus' party; he was one of his pledges in the December silent state and, in the course of the feud, received such important assignments as the commander of Kalmar Castle and the marshal himself. He must concede this at the latest when Magnus, after Erik's death, reconciled himself with his party at the Söderköpingsmeetet (Nov. 1359), since Erik's marshal, the knight Magnus Nilsson, later occupied the same dignity in Magnus' service, but at this meeting is mentioned B. for the first time as a council member and at the same time received rich compensation for his sacrifices during the war in parts of Duke Bengts' confiscated property in Östergötland. - At about this time, B. is likely to have entered into her first marriage, with Margareta Porse, who died in a cot the following year. When the child, who was delivered by Caesarean section, soon passed away, B. became the heir to a probably substantial fortune; his brothers-in-law admittedly started trial on the inheritance, but King Magnus in 1361 made a B. favorable ruling in the dispute. heirs to a probable significant fortune; his brothers-in-law admittedly started trial on the inheritance, but King Magnus in 1361 made a B. favorable ruling in the dispute. heirs to a probable significant fortune; his brothers-in-law admittedly started trial on the inheritance, but King Magnus in 1361 made a B. favorable ruling in the dispute.

From about 1360, however, there was a reversal in B's relationship with Magnus, in connection with the new split between the king and the Aristocracy, caused by Skåne's loss to Denmark. The suspicions of Magnus for the treacherous indignation of Valdemar Atterdag in the Council of Ministers generated tendencies for politics on their own with a view to a new war, lawsuits which were apparently shared by B. He was involved in the decision to negotiate with Hanseatic cities on the assault on Denmark 1361 - on the other hand, probably not in the actual mission to Germany - and likewise in the party's attempt to play Magnus son Håkan against the father in Magnus's refusal to approve the treaties that became the result of the negotiation: he participated in Håkan's royal tribute in February. 1362 and in his government actions in the near future thereafter. In such circumstances, Magnus 'and' Håkan's Atonement and the failure of the major man's politics through Valdemar Atterdag's victory over the Hanseatic houses at Hälsingborg led to a definitive break between the royal house on the one hand, B. and other leading aristocrats on the other. They were exiled, went to Gotland and thence in April. 1363 to Germany to effect the help of the Mecklenburg and Holstein princes against the kings. By all accounts, B. was the foremost driving force on the Swedish side in the negotiations that followed and which led to the tender of the Swedish crown to Albrekt dy of Mecklenburg and to the successful expedition to Sweden at the end of 1363. Håkan's Atonement and the failure of the great man's politics outward through Valdemar Atterdag's victory over the Hanseates at Hälsingborg to a definitive break between the royal house on the one hand, B. and other of the leading aristocrats on the other. They were exiled, went to Gotland and thence in April. 1363 to Germany to effect the help of the Mecklenburg and Holstein princes against the kings. By all accounts, B. was the foremost driving force on the Swedish side in the negotiations that followed and which led to the tender of the Swedish crown to Albrekt dy of Mecklenburg and to the successful expedition to Sweden at the end of 1363. Håkan's Atonement and the failure of the great man's politics outward through Valdemar Atterdag's victory over the Hanseates at Hälsingborg to a definitive break between the royal house on the one hand, B. and other of the leading aristocrats on the other. They were exiled, went to Gotland and thence in April. 1363 to Germany to effect the help of the Mecklenburg and Holstein princes against the kings. By all accounts, B. was the foremost driving force on the Swedish side in the negotiations that followed and which led to the tender of the Swedish crown to Albrekt dy of Mecklenburg and to the successful expedition to Sweden at the end of 1363. gifted to Gotland and thence in April. 1363 to Germany to effect the help of the Mecklenburg and Holstein princes against the kings. By all accounts, B. was the foremost driving force on the Swedish side in the negotiations that followed and which led to the tender of the Swedish crown to Albrekt dy of Mecklenburg and to the successful expedition to Sweden at the end of 1363. gifted to Gotland and thence in April. 1363 to Germany to effect the help of the Mecklenburg and Holstein princes against the kings. By all accounts, B. was the foremost driving force on the Swedish side in the negotiations that followed and which led to the tender of the Swedish crown to Albrekt dy of Mecklenburg and to the successful expedition to Sweden at the end of 1363.

In spite of the important role B. thus played at the time of the throne, it is really only during the next protracted period of war that he achieves and permanently consolidates his position as the recognized leader of aristocracy, then rivals such as Nils Turesson (Bielke) and Erengisle Sunesson have passed away or been seated. out of the game and to the same extent that an opposition to the new regime also developed. Probably immediately after Stockholm's admission became B. Albrekts bailiff there but left this post no later than Nov. 1364 and then apparently did not hold any special position in Albrekt's service, until the gun accident turned to his disadvantage with Valdemar Atterdag's active intervention in 1366. In sept. then. he, along with the Mecklenburger Räven von Barnekow, was authorized to negotiate with Valdemar and Håkan and contributed the following year to the granting and inclusion of an extraordinary war action on the properties of salvation. In the new campaign, however, he did not take part but instead received the command in Stockholm again in July 1367, this time in practice as a pledge for a claim with the king. It is probably during these years that B. actually made a fortune of larger proportions, in the main room, taking advantage of the strong disruptions in the property conditions that the throne war entailed. Proven examples of receiving donations of goods confiscated by Albrekt from the adherents of the opposite are not missing, and the actual cases are probably far more numerous; nor did he retire to use his position of power to force landowners into barter and sales where they drew the shortest straw. Alongside his land acquisitions, he also engaged in export trade in collaboration with Stockholm's major merchants and acquired thoughtful judgments: in 1366 he became Östgöta lawman after his grandmother's brother Magnus Knutsson and county governor in Dalarna by 1367, in Hanekind by 1371. soon became his foremost political weapon, when the king in his financial hardship had to hire him as a lender. The dire result of the coalition war against Valdemar gave air to the burgeoning opposition, and it was undoubtedly the leader of this and, using his position as Albrekts creditor, as B. to compel appointment to Albrekts "official official" (officialis generalis) 6 Aug. 1369. His powers set forth in the mandate lay mainly in the financial field, in which he became head of Albrekts court-holding and overseer of his bailiffs. Before the end of 1370, he must have received Viborg County as a pledge for his claims, but instead resigned from Stockholm. However, the danger common to the king and the chiefs, and after the peace of the Hanseatic cities increased, the danger from Håkan of Norway kept him in the real Sweden. After participating in the negotiations with Håkan's representative during the summer of 1370, he was made at Albrekts departure to Germany at the end of the interim regiment. In the decisive campaign in 1371, however, he could not stop Håkan's attack and the simultaneous uprising in Sweden, but was forced back to Stockholm. However, the situation was saved along the way, and B. was likely to have a significant stake in the peace settlement of 14 August. 1371, which represents a true triumph for the endeavors he represented. The People's Party was divided by insignificant concessions, housed in King Albrekt's Declaration of 9 August, whose more significant concessions were most pious to his own followers. The real power in the kingdom was assured by the Swedish National Council, and B. personally, in addition to Viborg, also Tavastehus and Borgholm. which represents a true triumph for the endeavors he represented. The People's Party was divided by insignificant concessions, contained in King Albrekt's declaration of 9 August, whose more significant concessions were most pious to his own followers. The real power in the kingdom was assured by the Swedish National Council, and B. personally, in addition to Viborg, also Tavastehus and Borgholm. which represents a true triumph for the endeavors he represented. The People's Party was divided by insignificant concessions, housed in King Albrekt's Declaration of 9 August, whose more significant concessions were most pious to his own followers. The real power in the kingdom was assured by the Swedish National Council, and B. personally, in addition to Viborg, also Tavastehus and Borgholm.

After the end of the peace, B. made his way to Finland, where he stayed until the end of 1374 with a break for a stay in Sweden during most of 1373. He could here act as an independent ruler, since the whole country was directly granted to him except of Turku County, which was held by a German bailiff; however, he was probably subordinate to B. and resigned in 1374, after which Turku County also passed into B.'s hand. B. has founded or at least completed the castles Raseborg and Korsholm. Outwardly, he pursued politics on his own during numerous conflicts with other powers. Reval and Danzig, later Dorpat and the bishop of Ösel. Above all, his possession became a backrest when open conflict broke out between the king and the aristocracy. The growing lawlessness in the kingdom seems to have raised concerns even among the powerful, and even more, the opposition was provoked by Albrekt's already-promising endeavor to halt the transition of the taxable earth to salvation and of his direct demands on the deeds of the two states of salvation. B. took the lead of the resistance, and by the end of 1374 the tension seems to have turned into open civil war, if also of short duration. However, only after lengthy negotiations were agreements reached, which resolved the various disputes on B and his party's mind. B. was raised to death, probably at the gentlemen's meeting, which adopted the Charter of the Peace of May 24, 1375, which in that case would appear to be his program of restoration of inner peace. On July 10, the King issued a declaration to respect the privileges of salvation, and at about the same time, agreements were reached on B's takeover of Duke Albrek's Swedish mortgage on such terms, that he gave to the duke both the sums for which the counties stood in pledge, and undertook. is responsible for the debts of several dukes. The surrender was to take place after the ransom charge was due the following year, which also happened with Nyköping County (which followed a large part of Västmanland, Dalarna and probably Hälsingland) and Kalmar County and probably also Stäkeholm County. Nyköping became B's most important residence from now on.

This large settlement made B. Sweden's real fellow, since he was now not only in actual possession of most of the kingdom with most of his fortresses, but also assumed an undisputed position of leader of the aristocracy in common, formally based on the traditions of the Dignity, in fact on his wealth and skill; the king's power was similarly reduced by losing even the support of his father's influence. The remainder of B's ​​life is essentially the hallmark of a continued struggle to secure and strengthen the won power position and work to fulfill the national duties it entrusted to him. The financial obligations he has to put on in order to achieve the agreement, He could not even fulfill himself with his own resources, but only with the help of his credit with capitalists in the domestic and foreign trade world, with whom he had already come into lively contact, and with the magnates of the church. The necessity for B. to increase his own assets should therefore have contributed to the fact that his business activities were now more extensive than ever. He did not prove more exact about the funds than he did before, but struck down a number of farms through forced purchases, where the payment often failed, or through foreclosure of fines and taxes. Although many of the properties that came into his hand were for him merely a commodity which he soon sold again, there is no doubt that he collected the greatest wealth ever held by a single man in Sweden. It was distributed across all the regions, which was under Albrek's rule, but its main mass was in Södermanland, Östergötland and Tjust, where B. strived to form large estates and to concentrate his possessions around the pledges or the new castles, which he built on his own land to support points for his Power. Among these were Bjärkaholm, mentioned as early as 1370, in the present Bjärka-Säby area, Ringstadaholm, which he exchanged in 1377, and Gripsholm, built on farms, which B. acquired since 1377, and mentioned under this name for the first time in 1381. At the same time expanded he further his pawns. By the knight Erik Karlsson, who had Östergötland and large parts of northern Småland in pledge, he took over the 1380 Hammarkinds army - this in partnership with a German knight - and most recently 1385 Rumlaborg castle and county; probably from the same man also Ydre and Kind, which was attached to Stäkeholm County, Östkind and perhaps even more areas. In 1384 he was further in possession of parts of Västergötland, namely Oppensten County, which had been under Danish rule in 1383, Öresten county, probably acquired at the same time as the former, and Forsholms county, which at the end of the war, stayed in the sound of the Folkungarnas.

The acquisition of the three latter areas indicates that B's foreign policy program now, as before, was to recover the gained Swedish territories, which have been lost since 1360. At least Oppensten seems to have won peacefully through the castle bailiff's transition, but he also participated in Albrekts war company against Denmark. Against the same goal, the idea, which seems to have become one of the burning ideas in his politics, was also aimed at reconnecting friendly relations with the great men, who followed Magnus and Håkan in national escape and since then held the real power in Värmland, Dal and parts of Västergötland, whereby these landscapes could be detached from the relationship with Norway. The collection of the aristocratic elements that this policy presupposes, must, however, land to the disadvantage of the royal power and thus introduced a new frictional moment in B's relationship with Albrekt. The King's declaration of 14 November. 1378, with its promise, that the land ban, who wished to return and serve the crown, would recover his goods, bear the mark of a concession to the aristocracy, purchased through a temporary grant of money, and is probably not connected with a visit by B. earlier in the year at emigrants high seat Dalaborg. The peace meeting in Skänninge 1381, which resulted in a boundary peace between Sweden and the Scanian salvation dictated by common aristocratic interests, must also have been proved by "Norwegian" great men; It is certain that the Swedish emigrants' foremost man, Erik Kettilsson, at about the same time resided in the vicinity of the place of exchange. After an attempt by the king to repudiate the king's and the council's increasingly marked guardianship rejected by B., who forced Albrekt his at Gripsholm to issue the Declaration of 1383 with new promises of submission to the council, B. met the following year in his famous will to institute his means of power serve an independent aristocratic policy even after his passing. To the trustee of all his counties and the lion's share of his estates, he appointed a college of bishops and saviors, among whom besides B's kinsmen, political confidants, and distinguished castle commanders, was also named Erik Kettilsson. The last years of B's ​​life do not appear to have brought about any further progress for his endeavors, with the exception of the acquisition of Rumlaborg county,

Even in the internal board, several measures by B. after the appointment of the witness bear testimony to his independent exercise of power. He granted, for example. self-salvation, at least for land within their own counties, and must have issued council decisions under their own seal. In particular, he took a prominent part in the supreme judicial order in varying forms: first, he himself condemned royalty, and secondly, his friends or subordinate court orders on his behalf, often in his presence, when he explicitly upheld their judgments. The limits of his formal powers here are not known and may not have been decided at all; in practice, his sentencing activities appear to have mainly been to his own counties. When within these he received the share of the krona in the business, his concern for the justice system appears to be largely dictated by his own financial interests, and they emerge with sharp clarity, for example. in a case where he had deliberately pardoned a doomed offender to leave a yard to him. On the other hand, it can hardly be shown that he abused his influence over the jurisdiction to his advantage in cases where he was a direct party to individuals or - as holders of the Crown's right - to entire district assemblies. If, on the one hand, he was able to enforce claims which, although possibly formally justified, but went beyond all bounds of fairness, on the other, there is also example that he bowed to judgments which opposed him. But the large amount of the legal violations, he committed himself to his acquisitions of goods - which he himself acknowledged in his will and obliged the executors to compensate - was never brought to justice during his lifetime, when his incomparable resources of power secured him against reckoning. A notorious deed, cited in front of others, as evidence of B's ​​disdain for law and justice, is the killing of Sörmland Savior Karl Nilsson in the Stockholm Franciscan Church (Riddarholmskyrkan) 1381. B's guilt in that is beyond doubt, whether he himself was the bane or let his people do the deed, but its real context is completely unknown; B. himself presented it as a justifiable punitive measure and emphasized this claim by confiscating Karl Nilsson's estate, but he nevertheless found himself obliged to produce a letter of contempt from his relatives. - Even after the appointment, B. he occupied the duties of team and district governor, in that he became a court of Finland in 1379 or 1380 and district governor in Tjust 1381 and in Oppunda 1382 or 1383, but the management of these assignments, as well as those previously acquired, entrusted him virtually without exception to temporary workers. . So for him they were hardly more than sources of income and honorary titles. In spite of all the shortcomings which thus permeated B's efforts in the judicial process, it would be justified to attribute to him real merit on the legal status in the realm, however, the general security seems to have been fairly maintained during his period of power, in contrast to the many symptoms of anarchy during the immediate past and the complete disintegration that occurred during the new civil war after his death. in his becoming a lawman in Finland in 1379 or 1380 and in charge of the district court in Tjust 1381 and in Oppunda in 1382 or 1383, but the management of these assignments, as well as of the previously acquired, he entrusted almost without exception to temporary workers. So for him they were hardly more than sources of income and honorary titles. In spite of all the shortcomings which thus permeated B's efforts in the judicial process, it would be justified to attribute to him real merit on the legal status in the realm, however, the general security seems to have been fairly maintained during his period of power, in contrast to the many symptoms of anarchy during the immediate past and the complete disintegration that occurred during the new civil war after his death. in his becoming a lawman in Finland in 1379 or 1380 and in charge of the district court in Tjust 1381 and in Oppunda in 1382 or 1383, but the management of these assignments, as well as of the previously acquired, he entrusted almost without exception to temporary workers. So for him they were hardly more than sources of income and honorary titles. In spite of all the shortcomings which thus permeated B's efforts in the judicial process, it would be justified to attribute to him real merit on the legal status in the realm, however, the general security seems to have been fairly maintained during his period of power, in contrast to the many symptoms of anarchy during the immediate past and the complete disintegration that occurred during the new civil war after his death. as with the previous ones, he entrusted almost without exception to temporary workers. So for him they were hardly more than sources of income and honorary titles. In spite of all the shortcomings which thus permeated B's efforts in the judicial process, it would be justified to attribute to him real merit on the legal status in the realm, however, the general security seems to have been fairly maintained during his period of power, in contrast to the many symptoms of anarchy during the immediate past and the complete disintegration that occurred during the new civil war after his death. as with the previous ones, he entrusted almost without exception to temporary workers. So for him they were hardly more than sources of income and honorary titles. In spite of all the shortcomings which thus permeated B's efforts in the judicial process, it would be justified to attribute to him real merit on the legal status in the realm, however, the general security seems to have been fairly maintained during his period of power, in contrast to the many symptoms of anarchy during the immediate past and the complete disintegration that occurred during the new civil war after his death.

A strong feature of B. is a warm religiosity by the nature of the time, which manifested itself in the most generous generosity towards ecclesiastical institutions. As early as 1370, he and his mother at Linköping Cathedral founded an office, joined by one of her grandfathers, the drought Knut Jonsson, instituted cannabis preaching, and in his will he remembered it with additional grants. In 1381 he founded the Archdiocese in Strängnäs, and the following year he donated a set of silver vessels to the diocese's bishop's table, and a yard to the lepers' hospital in Strängnäs. Askaby Monastery owned a powerful protector. Above all, however, he loved the Vadstena monastery, which he donated to Hässleby, Kvissberg and Capital in Östergötland and Kymmene in Finland, and in his will he donated 300 marks of silver to the monastery building and decoration. The interest in Birgitta's creation was a common trait for most members of the aristocratic circle, whose chief man B. was, but above others he was hired by the monastery as advisers and advocates in important matters in a way that does not merely indicate that his influence was a particularly valued asset but also that one could count on his willingness to put it in the service of the monastery. The many points of contact between B's business and Birgitta's political ideas support, to the extent that he has gained considerable influence from her preaching, most likely through the mediation of her son Birger Ulvsson, who appears to have been very close to B. Of course, B. participated. in the Swedish chiefs' repeated requests to the Pope with a request for Birgitta's saint declaration. In Vadstena Abbey, he was buried according to his decree. - In addition to the donations already mentioned, in his will he donated a estate to St. Sigfrid's prebend in Turku, 100 marks for each monastery, sanctuary and hospital in Sweden, Finland and Gotland, and 5 marks for the church and 5 marks for the priest in each and one of the parishes in Sweden, where he owned goods - well over 300. His personal connections with the leaders of the Swedish hierarchy were also the best, especially with Archbishop Birger Gregersson, Bishop Tord in Strängnäs and Bishop Nils Hermansson in Linköping. He also benefited significantly from this relationship, as, as mentioned above, to a large extent, bishops and chapters could use as lenders to realize their political aims. - B's spiritual interests, however, also extended beyond the religious realm: it was on his measure that the Alexandrian saga was transferred to Swedish verse by a hand unknown to the afterlife.

Although B's life and activities are illuminated by a richer source material than the research available to any of his Swedish contemporaries, Birgitta Birgersdotter alone exceptions, hardly any clear overall picture of his personality appears, but some more or less sharply marked features, partly strangely contrasting to each other. Disdain for material rights joined him with an unmistakable inclination for legal formalism, brilliant generosity with boundless acquisition desires. The latter, however, was merely one side of a sense of financial benefits, which he developed into a first-order financial endowment, characterized by as much of the multifaceted interest in various branches of business activity; ability to organize and accurately utilize resources and magnificence in their use. In these respects he did not own his ally among his brethren, though the care of the material good also appears in many other medieval great men - often in the same association with great ecclesiastical devotion as in B. However, the most striking feature of his image is the purely political endowment. : the leadership qualities and consistency in designing a truly political system, in whose service he unrestrictedly pledged his assets.

Bo Jonsson, Grip

"Bo Joninpoika oli keskiaikainen ruotsalainen mahtimies ja uransa huipulla Ruotsin valtakunnan drotsi. Hän oli syntyisin melko merkittävästä ruotsalaisesta aatelissuvusta, jonka vaakunakuvio oli aarnikotka ja jota siksi ainakin myöhemmin kutsuttiin vanhemmaksi Grip-suvuksi. Hän oli tiettävästi nuoresta pitäen tarmokas keräämään varallisuutta, toisin kuin useat säätyveljensä. Hän ei hankkiutunut ritariksi asti, vaan tyytyi säädyssään "asemiehen" (väpnare) arvoluokkaan. Häntä väitetään kaikkien aikojen rikkaimmaksi ruotsalaiseksi aatelismieheksi, ja joka tapauksessa hän oli kaikkien aikojen ehdottomasti merkittävin ruotsalainen ei-kuninkaallinen maanomistaja.

Uransa huipulle päästyään Grip oli onnistunut saamaan läänityksikseen kolmanneksen Ruotsista ja koko Suomen, joissa hän valta-asemaansa käyttäen keräsi vieläkin mittavamman yksityisomaisuuden. Vuodesta 1371 hän toimi Suomessa mahtimiehenä laajoin valtuuksin.[1] Tiettyinä ajanjaksoina hän toimi varallisuutensa turvin Ruotsin kruunun yksityispankkiirina ja lainoittajana. Hän oli viimeisten folkungakuninkaiden aikalainen. Hän kuoli kuningas Albrekt Mecklenburgilaisen kaudella, jonka heikon aseman vuoksi hän oli onnistunut hankkimaan sellaisen varallisuus- ja mahtiaseman, että oli kuningastakin mahtavampi.

1370-luvun alussa Bo Joninpoika Grip asui pitkään Turun linnassa ja hän toimeenpani linnassa suuria parannuksia ja korjauksia vuonna 1373 Raaseporin Snappertunassa. Linna mainitaan ensimmäistä kertaa historiallisissa dokumenteissa vuonna 1378. Mahtimies Bo Joninpoika Grip rakennutti Raaseporin linnan ensimmäiset muurit paikalle 1360–70-luvuilla tasapainottaakseen Suomenlahden toisella puolella sijainneen vilkkaan hansakaupungin Tallinnan vaikutusta. Vaikka asiasta ei ole varmaa tietoa, on Bo Joninpoika Gripiä arveltu myös Helsingin Vartiokylän linnavuoren rakennuttajaksi.

Viimeisestä avioliitostaan hänellä oli poika Knut Bosson Grip, joka oli isänsä kuollessa alaikäinen. Mittavan perinnön, jota itse asiassa valtapoliittisen tilanteen johdosta oli käytännössä mahdotonta jättää perinnöksi yksityisomaisuuden tavoin, hoitajiksi drotsi Bo oli testamentissaan asettanut holhoojat, mutta kuningas Albrekt pyrki saamaan siitä merkittäviä osia itselleen ja kruunulle. Jos kuningas olisi onnistunut kaappaamaan kyseisen varallisuuden, se olisi ratkaisevasti muuttanut senaikaista tasapainoa kuningasvallan ja rälssiaateliston välillä, ja siksi perinnön haltuunottoasiassa Albrektia vastaan ryhmittyivät monet muutkin aateliset kuin perinnölle asetetut holhoojat. Holhoojat eivät pystyneet yksin vastustamaan kuninkaan pyrkimyksiä, jolloin he ryhtyivät käyttämään hyväksi Albrektin kiusana jo pitkään ollutta valmista vastustajaa, Norjan hallitsijaa, eli lopulta kuningatar Margareetaa, joka kuitenkin pystyikin valloittamaan Ruotsin valtakunnan Albrektilta eikä sitten sallinutkaan perinnön tärkeimpien osien luiskahtamista kruunulta, vaikka Bo Joninpojan liittolaisryhmä olikin ollut hänen tukijoinaan. Siksi asian yhteydessä puhutaan varastetusta perinnöstä [5].

Bo oli yleisten väitteiden mukaan hankkinut suuren osan omistuksistaan varsin kyseenalaisin keinoin - kiristämällä, pakottamalla, verottamalla jne. Hänelle eri puolilla Ruotsia ja Suomea läänitettyjen linnaläänien kuului sen ajan oikeuskäytännön mukaan palautua kruunulle muutaman vuoden sisällä lääninherran kuolemasta. Siten oikeudelliselta ja eettiseltä kannalta ei voida suoraan sanoa, että Gripin perinnön monien osien palauttaminen kruunulle ei ollut oikeudenmukaista.selvennä
Osan omistuksistaan ja läänityksistään Bo Joninpoika oli saanut panteiksi kuninkaalle antamiensa lainojen vakuudeksi. Linnaläänit olivat tietysti tärkeitä valtakunnan puolustukselle ja hallinnolle, jonka takia niitä ei juuri läänitetty kuin joko elinajaksi tai kuninkaallisen luottoaseman keston ajaksi. Hänen valtakaudellaan (1362) Suomi sai oikeuden lähettää edustajansa kuninkaanvaaliin ja tuli siten täysivaltaiseksi osaksi Ruotsia.

• [http://fi.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bo_Joninpoika_Grip]

Bo Jonsson, Grip

• http://genealogics.org/getperson.php?personID=I00488855&tree=LEO
• http://www.wisthbf.se/slott-torp/allmaent/Rosman-BS-del1-139.pdf
• http://www.adelsvapen.com/genealogi/Grip,_%C3%A4ldre_%C3%A4tten
• https://sok.riksarkivet.se/Sbl/Presentation.aspx?id=17833
• https://sok.riksarkivet.se/sbl/Presentation.aspx?id=12881 - Henrik Karlsson, Ärkebiskop i Uppsala

Bo Jonsson Grip (ca 1333-1386) var rådsherre och marsk under Magnus Erikssons regeringstid. I riksrådet fanns även hans vän och kollega, Karl Ulfsson av Ulvåsa, den heliga Birgittas äldste son.

Bo Jonsson dominerade i några årtionden det politiska livet i Sverige. Han var den främsta företrädaren för den svenska rådsaristokratin som 1365 gjorde Albert av Mecklenburg till landets kung och fördrev Magnus Eriksson. År 1369 blev han kungens officialis generalis (högste ämbetsman).

Genom arv och mycket fördomsfria metoder kom Bo Jonsson att kontrollera det största godsinnehavet någonsin i Sverige. Denne storman tillskansade sig genom politiska och ekonomiska medel 1 500 gårdar i 350 socknar från Kalmar upp till Dalarna. Han ägde vid 1300-talets mitt över 1/3 av dåtida Sverige och blev däregenom den största jordägaren i landet.

Från Gripsholm behärskade han hela Mälardalen, södra Norrland, hela Finland samt söderut stora delar av Västergötland, östra Östergötland och smålandskusten.

Bo Jonsson Grip ägde ett dussintal befästa slott, bland annat finska Åbo, Tavastehus och Viborg, svenska Kalmar och Nyköping, plus dem han själv låtit uppföra - Bjärkaholm, Ringstaholm och Gripsholm, hans ögonsten. Han vistades med förkärlek på sin borg Gripsholm, som dock fick sitt nuvarande utseende först på Vasatiden.

Han var i praktiken Sveriges mäktigaste man och ledare för rådets och adelns kamp mot kungamakten och det tyska inflytandet. Vid hans död 1386 uppstod tvist om hans ofantliga arv mellan kung Albrekt och drottning Margareta, varvid den senare segrade.

Bo Jonsson Grip var gift två gånger: först med den rika Margareta Porse, som dog efter en kort tid i barnsäng. Bo Jonsson Grip lät förlösa barnet, en son, med kejsarsnitt men barnet dog efter bara en dag. Ryktet säger att han lät utföra operationen för att få arvsrätten efter sin hustru.

Andra äktenskapet ingicks med en vacker tyska, Margareta Dume, som lär ha haft många beundrare. En av dessa var Karl Nilsson, en frälseman från Södermanland. Han fick svärdet i sig en dag när han stod framför själva högaltaret i Stockholms gråbrödrakyrka. Det sades att Bo Jonsson Grip hade skuld, trots att han hade vittnen som svor på att han inte varit närvarande i kyrkan. Men nio dygn senare var Karl Nilssons gods i Bo Jonsson Grips ägo…

Han gjorde i sitt testamente frikostiga gåvor till kyrkor och kloster han stödde aktivt det nyupprättade Vadstena kloster och han lät översätta Alexandersagan till svensk vers. För att förhindra att länen och därmed den politiska makten efter hans död skulle övergå till kung Albrekt förordnade han i sitt testamente en särskild grupp stormän ("B:s testamentsexekutorer") att förvalta hans län och gods.

Bo Jonsson Grip är begravd i Vadstena. Ingen vet hur han såg ut, men eftermälet har gjort honom liten och sned och vanställd, puckelryggig och ful. Mätningar av skelettet i mausoleet i Vadstena har delvis bekräftat det ryktet.

(Lästips: Svenska kungar och mäktiga män - tio historiska porträtt - författare om Bo Jonsson Grip: Ulla Britta Ramklint - förlag Historiska Media ISBN 91-89442-28-8)

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SDHK-nr: 13306

Utfärdat: 13870623, Stockholm Innehåll: Kung Albrekt av Sverige etc. kungör att han på Greta Dumes, Bo Jonssons änkas, och hennes barns vägnar givit Jakob (=Jeppe) Djäken i uppdrag att tills vidare förvalta Åbofögderiet för Greta Dume. En del av inkomsten därav anslogs till avbetalningen av den fordran på 8000 mark penningar eller 20.000 mark svenska penningar som Jakob Djäken hade på Bo Jonssons arvingar.

Greta Dumes 4 bröder och riddaren Henrik van Brandis beseglar.

Källor

Original: or. perg. Mecklenburgisches Landeshauptarchiv, Schwerins

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Ringstaholm

• https://sv.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ringstaholm

Ruinerna av Ringstaholms slott Ringstaholm, även Ringstadholm, Ringstadaholm, var under medeltiden ett slott på en holme i Motala ström, något nedanför dess utlopp ur Glan, ovanför fallet vid Fiskeby. Det ansågs på sin tid som ett av de starkaste i Sverige; nu återstår endast obetydliga lämningar. Innehåll • 1 1300-talet • 2 1400-talet • 3 1600-talet • 4 1900-talet • 5 Övrigt • 6 Referenser • 7 Källor 1300-talet Första gången Ringstaholm omnämns är 1316 i anledning av ett blodregn, som uppges ha fallit där: Hoc anno apud Ringstadaholm pluit sanguis. Men det är inget samtida dokument, utan upprepas flera gånger i de svenska medeltidsannalerna.[1] Först ett drygt halvt sekel efteråt skrivs ett medeltida brev, då riksrådet och väpnaren Erik Valdemarsson (död 1390, den siste av Bjälboätten) den 28 februari 1368 på Ringstaholm ger till Östra Eneby socken 2½ attung i Fiskeby i utbyte mot 1 attung i Örstad (del av nuvarande Leonardsberg) och mot en mellangift av 14 mark pgr. Husen i Örstad ingick inte i bytet.[2] Den 9 oktober 1377 i Nyköping överlät Erik Valdemarsson 4 attungar i ”Ringstada i Enebo” till Bo Jonsson i ett byte. Här ser vi det tidiga sambandet mellan den forna herresätet Ringstad gård och borgen Ringstaholm.[3] Lösings, Bråbo, Åkerbo och Gullbergs härad kom att ingå i det som då kallades Ringstadholms län och Ringstaholm var dess centrum i militärt och kameralt hänseende. En av Bo Jonssons fogdar kom där att ha sitt säte och Ringstaholm omnämns nästa gång den 18 juni 1390, då riddaren Karl Ulfsson av Tofta, som var skyldig kyrkoherden i Dagsberg Niclis Swensson 40 mark, avträdde 10 spann avgäldsjord i ”Litla Sidhum” med mera.[4] Här dog även 1391 en av verkställarna av Bo Jonssons testamente, riddaren Birger Ulfsson, heliga Birgittas son.[5] 1400-talet

Rekonstruktion av Ringstaholms slott En av dem som åtrått Ringstaholm var de förenade konungarikenas drottning Margareta, som i Norrköping höll räfst och rättarting 1404. Den 6 februari sistnämnda år lät hon adel och prästerskapet tilldöma sig slottet och länet då det tidigare tillhört kronan.[6], samt insatte sin fogde Esbjörn Djäke där.[7] Efter Margaretas död 1412 tillsatte hennes son, kung Erik av Pommern, en tysk, Henrik Styke, till hövitsman, första gången omnämnd 1423, sedan 1425, 1426, 1427 och 1431 i de samtida dokumenten som berör Norrköping.[8] Under hans styre utsattes slottet för sin svåraste belägring av Engelbrekt Engelbrektssons trupper, vilkas uppgift var att rasera herremännens fästen i landet. Från Nyköping drog Engelbrekt via Kolmården dit ned för att personligen leda belägringen, ett svårt företag. Vid sin ankomst började han underhandla med Styke om slottets uppgivande, vilket denne förtretad avböjde. Då blev Engelbrekt förargad och det sägs att han ”svor att innan sju daga, då vill jag dig med håret utdraga”. Därefter började angriparna bygga en flotte, på vilken uppfördes ett fem våningar högt torn. Därifrån kunde man lätt skjuta över slottsmuren. Då blev emellertid Styke förskrämd och bad om fem dagars betänketid, vilket beviljades. Besättningen gav sig därefter, mot fritt avtåg. För övrigt var detta samma slott till vilket Engelbrekts mördare flydde efter mordet på upprorsmakaren. Under striderna mellan Krister Nilsson (Vasa) och Karl Knutsson innehades Ringstaholm av den förstnämnde. Då förlikning kom till stånd beslöts att dennes son Karl Kristiernsson (Vasa) fick behålla slottet. Senare, från 1440, ägdes det av Bengt Jönsson Oxenstierna.[9] Ringstaholm omnämndes även fortsättningsvis under några decennier, men bevarade medeltidsbrev skrivna på slottsön begränsar sig till tre av kung Karl Knutsson (som uppges vara född där 1409), det vill säga 10 mars 1452, 29 juni 1455 och 3 augusti 1455. Det sistnämnda datumet stadfäste han åter borgarna i Norrköpings privilegier. Detta hade skett vid två tidigare tillfällen.[10] Därtill är ett brev skrivet av Per Symensson med hustru den 24 juni 1460.[11] Dessförinnan, år 1458 utgavs ett domsbrev, daterat Fiskeby, angående Erik Axelsson (Tott)s anspråk på Rimstadholm (bör vara Ringstaholm) såsom hans morsarv.[7] Därpå är det tyst om den gamla borgen ända till 1469, då de bägge bröderna Trotte och Erik Karlsson (av Vasasläkten) höjde upprorsfanan mot Stureväldet. Trotte Karlsson var hövitsman där och deltog i sin broder Eriks uppror. De Sturetrogna bönderna började emellertid belägra slottet, besättningen väntade förgäves undsättning och var till slut tvungen att kapitulera. Ett medeltida brev berättar om kapitulationen och är det sista brevet som är daterat på Ringstaholm den 7 december 1469, vars text sammanfattningsvis lyder: Baardh munk med flera herr Trotte Karlssons tjänare på Ringstadholm meddela, att ”torsdag som war pa worfrwa aptan conceptionis j thet aret lxix kom ärlig ok welboren man henrik Rwska med een borgare aff sudercöping a nampn kallande sven pedersson” och begärde genom brev från herr Karl Knwtsson och herr Eric Magnusson, att 2 eller 4 män från slottet skulle under fri lejd bege sig till Söderköping för att med allmogen överenskomma om medling och dagtingan. Man har nu kommit överens om att herr Karl och menigheten ”bade aff köpstadz men ok bondakarla” skola sända 4 män från varje härad till Ringstadholm, befullmäktigade att tala och göra på häradenas vägnar. Och samma lejd som besättningens lovades, utfäster denna tillbaka. Bård trycker Hemmings, sin kaplans, sigill på brevet, som skrivits å ovannämnda dag.[12] Slottet blev våren därpå uppbränt och skövlat av allmogen, som hade gått segrande fram. En förlikning ingicks den 22 mars 1470. Förlikningsbrevet är utfärdat av ”bönder, lantbor och menige allmoge i Ringstadsholms län” och gäller fribrev för de ”svenner” som var med och belägrade slottet. Det utskrevs i Söderköping och beseglades av i länet boende häradshövdingar. Texten lyder i korthet: Bönderna och landborna och menige allmogen i Ringstadholms laen kungöra, att deras fullmäktige i ärlige och välbördige männen Ywer Axelssons, Götzssaff Karlsöns, Karl Knutssons och Eric Magnussons Riddares närvaro gjort en vänlig dagtingan med de svenner som utgjorde besättning på Ringstadholm och lovat att all skada och ovilja, som de gjort med tillgrepp, dråp, såramål och dylikt skall vara glömd och tillgiven. Hade bönderna från fordom ouppgjorda mellanhavanden med svennerna, skulle rätt göras, om de ville stanna i ”Ostergilland”. Bönderna lovade, att aldrig fejda eller kära angående dessa ärenden. Alla häradshövdingar i Ringstadholms län bedjas att besegla.[13] 1600-talet Historien slutar inte här, men inte först under stormaktstiden blir det åter aktuellt att göra Ringstaholm till ett herresäte. Louis De Geer d y, som på 1640-talet var ägare av Fiskeby gård, hade för avsikt att på ruinerna uppföra ett säteri åt sig själv. Han importerade gult tegel från Holland och påbörjade bygget, men hösten 1649 blossade frossan upp i Östra Eneby socken och i kombination med svår missväxt och åtföljande hungersnöd, så avstannade bygget. Istället uppförde han sig ett slott i Finspång.[14] 1900-talet

Ruinerna av slottet är meterhöga. Därefter var holmen övergiven och slottsruinerna övervuxna tills år 1908 då arkeologerna Otto Janse med biträde av Bror Schnittger grävde ut desamma och grundplanen blottades. Undersökningarna fortgick till år 1912 och bland lösfynden som hittades kan räknas pilspetsar till armborst, stenkulor till kastmaskiner, blosshållare, en större kittel och så vidare.[12] På 1950-talet växtes intresset upp på nytt, via fil dr Björn Helmfrids försorg. Ett flertal intressenter var inblandade och slottsmurarna konserverades. Till ön byggde militären en pontonbro och meningen var Ringstaholm skulle bli en turistattraktion, men då disponent Axel Hemmar på Fiskeby AB dog så avbröts restaureringen. Dennes välvilja, då Ringstaholm tillhör pappersbrukets ägor, var en förutsättning för att projektet skulle ros i hamn. Idag kan man bara komma till holmen med båt.[15] Vid en nyligen skedd arkeologisk undersökning utgrävdes slottets grundmurar och man fastställde att en del av den gamla slottsholmen åstadkommits genom senare utfyllning.

  Ringstaholm [x] Visa Wikimedia Commons på svenska From Wikimedia Commons, the free media repository • sv: På 1370-talet lät riksdrotsen Bo Jonsson Grip uppföra ett slott en holme i Motala ström, nedanför dess utlopp ur Glan, ovanför fallet vid Fiskeby (Idag måste man ha båt för att komma till ruinerna av detsamma.). Platsen var strategiskt vald och hade tidigare varit befäst (Ringstaholm omtalas första gången 1316.). Slottet kontrollerade sjöfarten mellan det inre Östergötland (via sjön Glan) och Bråviken. Det blev säte för Grips fogde. 1434 belägrades slottet av Engelbrekts bondestyrkor. Engelbrekt ledde ett uppror mot unionskungen Erik av Pommern. Bönderna reste sig mot de utländska fogdarna som tillsattes av kungen för att driva in skatt till kungens krig på kontinenten. Engelbrektupproret slogs ner men 1470 brändes Ringstaholm vid ett nytt bondeuppror. Det byggdes aldrig upp igen och numera återstår bara slottets grund och delar av en ringmur.