Nils Månsson på Stora Aspeboda

• The Aspeboda old parish just outside Falun is one of the most genuine mining settlements around Kopparberget.
• During the 14th and 15th centuries, several important mountain men already lived here, on large farms with extensive domains. One of them was Nils Månsson at Stora Aspeboda: judge, mountain master and mountain bailiff at the end of the 15th century.
• Like many others at the Mount, he belonged to the saviors - predecessors of the nobility - and carried a coat of arms with a red boar's head on a yellow background. Where he came from is unknown, but he was probably related in some way to the clan at Hosjön east of Falun, which carried another boar's head weapon.
• Bergsfogde b in the late 1470s
• Judge and Miner Leader of Sten Sture's party
• Described as Greedy and Ruthless.
• Belonged to the savior (precursor to the nobility) and bore a shield of arms with a boar's head in red

The Common Origin of the Svinhufvud Families Abstract, by Anders Winroth

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However, they used a heraldic crest containing a boar's head, which apparently gave rise to the family name. Where did they get this weapon from? The progenitor of the Västergötland family, Daniel Torkelsson, is thought to have taken up the coat of arms from his mother-in-law Margareta Hansdotter, who belonged to the so-called older pig head family. This family had been one of the leading salvation families at Kopparberget during the 1400’s. Its lineage is usually traced back to a Jöns "swinshwow" mentioned in 1386. He must have been Margaret's great-grandfather. 4 4 The best overview of the genealogy of the older pig head family is Boëthius, Kopparbergslagen, especially pp. 573-577. Hans Gillingstam, "Svinhuvud och Svinakula", Personal history journal 64 (1966), pp. 3-7, points out some important inaccuracies in Boëthius' genealogy. Cf. also Bertil Boëthius, "Svinhuvud og Vinakula: Continued discussion", Personal history journal 64 (1966), pp. 120-123. Medieval stained glass with the pig's head coat of arms in Torsäng's church, Dalarna, now in the Historical Museum, Stockholm. Photo: National Antiquities Office.

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The progenitor of the Qvalstad family, Per Hansson, apparently took the pig's head in his coat of arms from his grandfather, the 1534 mountain bailiff and district chief Mäns Nilsson in Aspeboda. His father, the mountain bailiff Nils Mänsson (died between 1500 and 1504) also carried a pig's head in the coat of arms, but then nothing is known about his ancestors or why he used the pig's head coat of arms. "Their possible [entuall kinship with the widely branched Dalas family with the same coat of arms [.] has not been able to be investigated." 5 However, there is a hint of kinship, in that in the 1490S, Nils Mänsson together with Margit Gudmundsdotter, who was the widow of a member of the older pig head family, filed a joint birthright lawsuit. Assuming that Margit sued on behalf of her children as she did in at least one other case), Nils must have been related to her husband's family, the Pig's Head family. 6 A parchment letter from 1493 in the Riksarkivet gives a clue as to how Nils Mänsson was related to the older pig head family. The letter is unfortunately damaged by moisture and partially illegible, even under ultraviolet light. However, its content is beyond doubt. When the lawman for Västmanland and Dalarna Knut Eskilsson (Banér) held a lawmansting in Västeras (in the presence of, among other distinguished men, the national superintendent Sten Sture) Nils Mánsson appeared on Kopparberget and complained that a certain Anders Larson in "Giäse" (probably Gäsjö in Norberg's parish ) had acquired a total of 2⅔ acres of land in the villages of Rysta and Bellsta, Odensvi parish, Äkerbo county. The lawyer, however, rejected Nils' claim after Anders had proved by presenting both a deed of sale and a deed of fast that his "parents" had bought the disputed land from a "mongx" Henriksson for 110 Stockholm coins. The lawman's verdict says nothing about who this Mäns or Magnus was, but the conclusion is close at hand that he was Nils Mansson's father. 5 The documents mentioned in this article thus solve the old riddle about how the two introduced Svinhufud families are related. Their common origin must already be sought in the early 1400S. The coat of arms that gave them their name was inherited several times through the female line, something that was fairly common in the Middle Ages but has confused genealogists ever since. 11 APPENDIX: Edition of the 1493 lawman's judgment The lawman's judgment of 1493 has never been printed, and there are, as far as I know, no modern copies. The researcher who wants to read its text is thus referred to the original in the National Archives, which is difficult to read due to moisture damage. To assist interested researchers, I am printing here my transcript of the letter, partially done with the help of ultraviolet light. The transcript is provided with the reservation that I am no expert in medieval Swedish, and I have probably been guilty of mistakes in details. I thank Professor Per-Axel Wiktorsson, who kindly gave me good advice on the art of publishing texts in Swedish. The printer who printed the letter made extensive use of abbreviations. I've highlighted in italics the letters I added when breaking down the abbreviations. In brackets are words that could not be read due to the damage, but which I thought I could guess. Three points in brackets [.] mark places where I could neither read nor guess. The slashes / (comma) mark the punctuation marks found in the original. I have added periods at the end of some sentences to make reading easier.

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The letter is not transcribed in Johan Peringskiöld's large transcription work, but his assistant C. R. Berch has written a summary in Diarium novum Peringskiöldianum III, p. 2286 (in the Vitterhetsakademien's deposit in the National Archives). The letter seems to have been damaged even then, as Berch could not read the year either and his information about the number of herbage in the dispute is incorrect. Kröningsvärd read the year as "mcdxliv", thus 1444, but Tom Söderberg, without explanation, miscalculated the letter to 1450, see Stora Kopparberget und medeltiden and Gustav Vasa, Stockholm 1932, p. 230, n. 3. At my request, the state herald Henrik Klackenberg kindly informed me that the year in the letter is written "mcd×lx", which explains Söderberg's dating.

However, it is hard to believe that the writer of the letter would have chosen such a complicated way of writing 1450. Either there is a typing error (for 1449?), or the scribe started writing 1449 (mcdxlix) because he forgot that it was already 1450, but corrected himself before writing the last characters. ANDeRS WINROH, b. 1965, file. dr, assistant professor of history at Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut, USA. Was 1987-1991 editor at Swedish Biographical Lexicon. Has written the books Stockholms stadsarkiv and slätforskaren. A tutorial for researchers in Stockholm's family and personal history (SSGF's writing series, 2;
1991) and The Making of Gratian's Decretum (Cambridge 2000), as well as several articles on historical, genealogical and biographical topics.

11 Cf. Hans Gillingstam, "Could one in the Middle Ages take up arms from his wife's family?" Personal history journal 58 (1960), pp. 84-87. 12 The tens and ones in the year are thus not legible. That the letter was issued in 1493, however, is evident from the fact that another letter was issued on the same day ( Odensdagen nest aepter nativitate marie ) 1493 in Västeras and sealed by several people who also sealed the lawman's judgment, see Riksarkivet, paper letter I, 1 1 September 1493. 13 "nils" repeated by mistake. 14 According to Kröningsvärd's in and of itself unreliable edition of Magnus Henriksson's deed of sale, only "half-full" örügland was sold here. 15 "had" added in the margin.

Owner of the Skyttgruvan in Näverberg.

Nils had a pig's head on his seal. The pig's head is very clearly visible in the lower part of the seal. That it is after the head of a wild boar can be seen from the snout and the long tusks in the lower jaw. Nils used it, for example, in 1497. On son Mån's seal and coat of arms, however, the pig's head was placed on the opposite side compared to his father Nils' seal and coat of arms, see Bertil Boëthius, Kopparbergslagen until the breakthrough of the 1570s. Origin, Middle Ages, Early Vasatid, Uppsala 1965, pp. 47, 48.

Måns Nilsson, by the Swedish Biographical Dictionary

Bergfogde, County Sheriff

Måns Nilsson, d 1534 between 17 February and 31 May in Sthlm. Father: the mountain bailiff at Kopparberget Nils Månsson (pig's head), whose wife, according to unverified information (Dipl Dalek's genealog tab), was named Kerstin. Mentioned earliest possibly already 00 (Sjödin 1937, p. 400) but certainly 04 (BSH), mountain ranger at Kopparberget from between 13 o 15 to 26 (possibly with interruptions around SEK 21 — 23) and possibly again from 23 April 31 to before June 26 p å, district chief in Dalarna from between 24 o 26 to between 26 o 28.

G 1) latest 1519 m Magdalena (STb); 2) at the latest in 1534 m Margareta, d at the earliest in 1537, whose patronymic icon according to an unverified 17th century statement was Albrektsdtr, and whose coat of arms according to the same source was three bear frames (cf. Gillingstam 1968-69); possibly she was the daughter of a citizen in Västerås (Kumlien, p. 342 f).

Like his father Nils Månsson (d between 1500 and 1504), M carried a pig's head in the coat of arms (Bo ë thius 1965, p. 47). An 18th century statement (Jacob Ingelsson), that the father was of Danish noble birth, has not been able to be verified, especially as no Danish salvation family with this coat of arms is known (Raneke). Their possible kinship with the widely branched Dalas family with the same coat of arms (Bo ëthius 1965, pp. 35, 41, 43 o 573, as well as 1966) have not been able to be investigated. However, M's father did, on one occasion, bring a civil suit together with the widow of one of its members (Sjödin 1937, p. 398). The father has dated a letter (Sjödin 1937, p 144 f) in Aspeboda (now Stora Aspeboda) in Torsång (now Aspeboda), which at least from 1508 can be identified as M's seat farm. In his younger days, the father had been in the service of Nils Sture, owner of Västerås castle county (Sjödin 1937, p. 117) but appeared as a judge at Kopparberget in 1484, 1485 and 1492, as mountain master there in 1490 and as mountain bailiff there in 1498-1500. In 1499, he was one of the two representatives of Dalarna, when the union king Hans' son Kristian (later Kristian II) was hailed as future king in Sthlm. He is best known as the dominant figure among the prime minister Sten Sture d ä: s followers in Dalarna but was accused of abuse and was removed from the office of mountain bailiff in 1500; he died no later than 1504 (Sjödin 1937, p. 481).

M has been identified (Bo ë thius 1965, p. 187) with the son of Nils Månsson who, in the spring of 1500, threatened his antagonist Gustav Olsson in Daglösa near Falun with his life (Sjödin 1937, p. 400).

M was in 1504, as was Gustav Olsson, among the six representatives of Dalarna at a meeting in Sthlm with the Riksdag, saviors from Uppland and Södermanland and the bourgeoisie in Sthlm. It is clear that the father had such a position that M already belonged to Dalarna's highest social stratum. The father's antagonists Kristoffer Olsson (star) and Hans Jeppesson (Pig's Head), who were both present at the meeting, can be accused as the father's successors as mountain bailiffs at Kopparberget in 1502 — 06 and 1511 — 13, respectively, but since Sten Sture dy became the national superintendent, this office was held in 1515 by M. How long he was mountain bailiff this time is not known, but in Peder Svart's depiction of the liberation war in 1521, Kristoffer Olsson as mountain bailiff is stated to have been captured by the rebellious Swedes. This has been interpreted (Söderberg, p. 234; Boethius 1965, p 124) that he regained the office of mountain bailiff under Christian II, which M would have therefore left, but one cannot rule out the possibility that the mountain bailiff title in Peder Svart's chronicle added several decades later is only based on the fact that Kristoffer Olsson was formerly a mountain bailiff. According to Peder Svart, in the late autumn of 1520 M should have advised Arent Persson (Ernflycht) at Ornäs not to take any measures against the fleeing Gustav Eriksson (Vasa) and during the liberation war in the spring of 1521 to have joined his bodyguard. After Gustav became king, at Christmas time 1524 M received a deed of grant of Kungsåra village in Kungsåra sn near Västerås, and of several letters from the king — among other things about intervention against Peder Jakobsson "sunnanväder" and that the mountain bailiff title in Peder Svart's chronicle, which was added several decades later, is only based on the fact that Kristoffer Olsson was formerly a mountain bailiff. According to Peder Svart, in the late autumn of 1520 M should have advised Arent Persson (Ernflycht) at Ornäs not to take any measures against the fleeing Gustav Eriksson (Vasa) and during the liberation war in the spring of 1521 to have joined his bodyguard. After Gustav became king, at Christmas time 1524 M received a deed of grant of Kungsåra village in Kungsåra sn near Västerås, and of several letters from the king — among other things about intervention against Peder Jakobsson "sunnanväder" and that the mountain bailiff title in Peder Svart's chronicle, which was added several decades later, is only based on the fact that Kristoffer Olsson was formerly a mountain bailiff. According to Peder Svart, in the late autumn of 1520 M should have advised Arent Persson (Ernflycht) at Ornäs not to take any measures against the fleeing Gustav Eriksson (Vasa) and during the liberation war in the spring of 1521 to have joined his bodyguard. After Gustav became king, at Christmas time 1524 M received a deed of grant of Kungsåra village in Kungsåra sn near Västerås, and of several letters from the king — among other things about intervention against Peder Jakobsson "sunnanväder" and According to Peder Svart, in the late autumn of 1520 M should have advised Arent Persson (Ernflycht) at Ornäs not to take any measures against the fleeing Gustav Eriksson (Vasa) and during the liberation war in the spring of 1521 to have joined his bodyguard. After Gustav became king, at Christmas time 1524 M received a deed of grant of Kungsåra village in Kungsåra sn near Västerås, and of several letters from the king — among other things about intervention against Peder Jakobsson "sunnanväder" and According to Peder Svart, in the late autumn of 1520 M should have advised Arent Persson (Ernflycht) at Ornäs not to take any measures against the fleeing Gustav Eriksson (Vasa) and during the liberation war in the spring of 1521 to have joined his bodyguard. After Gustav became king, at Christmas time 1524 M received a deed of grant of Kungsåra village in Kungsåra sn near Västerås, and of several letters from the king — among other things about intervention against Peder Jakobsson "sunnanväder" andKnut Mikaelsson (vol. 21) — it appears that he was mountain bailiff in 1525. Already in the spring of 1526, however, he renounced this office. In January, M participated as the foremost among several representatives for, among other things, Dalarna in the lord's day in Vadstena, where they issued a letter against Christian II's follower Sören Norby for the stamping he carried out against Gustav I. In the fall of that year, he received a new deed of grant at Kungsåra village and now also at Vika sn in Dalarna. Letters from the spring of 1527 show that M supported the king against the so-called daljunker. According to Peder Svart, he must have said during the negotiations between the king's men of war and the dalkarls that he wanted to give them permission to chop him into a hundred pieces, if the daljunker really - as he claimed - was Sten Sture dy's son.

In January 1531, M and other miners asked the king not to believe the accusations that M's father's opponent, Kristoffer Olsson, made against them. In Peder Svart's description of the events in 1530, it is stated that the collection of the bell tax ordered by the king led representatives of the common people in the Dala parishes of Leksand, Al and Gagnef to ask M if they would hand over their church bells. After conversations with other miners, including Anders Persson(bd 1) in the Rankhyttan in Vika, he must then have urged the said representatives of the common people to mistreat the king's tax collectors but not to kill them. M must also have assured that in the future he did not want to agree with the king but to do him all the harm, and that he had so much money and other goods that he would probably oppose him. He must also have declared that no previous king had crossed the Dalälven without the permission of the Dalkarls. M did not want to become the rebels' general but placed sixty men at their disposal. However, it appears from the letter material that the bell tax, which was decided in January 1530 for the towns, was only extended to the country churches in January 1531. Peder Svart's dating is thus too early, especially as the letter material only in March of the last-mentioned year testifies to unrest in Dalarna. However, the king's letters to M of March 19 and 31 contain only requests for advice and help in the critical situation, and on April 23, a "bailiff's letter" was entered in the registry for him and a new grant letter at Vika sn. However, there is no evidence that he really functioned as mountain bailiff this time. A letter two months later has been interpreted (Söderberg, p. 235 o 274; Hildeman 1946, p. 21; Boë thius 1965, p 233) as if the man who had previously been a mountain bailiff was again or still functioning.

After April 1531, M is not mentioned until the beginning of 1533 in the national registry, and the king's attitude has then completely changed, because M is then regarded as one of the instigators of the rebellion. He was now accused of treasonous connections with the king's worst enemies, Christian II, Gustav Trolle and Ture Jönsson (Three Roses). Peder Svart states that, when they were about to arrest him, M "went off into the forest into his old haunts", so that the castle bailiff at Västerås, Lasse Eriksson, and his henchmen had to search for him "day and night", before they a few days could catch him in a rut. He was now taken together with Anders Persson and the aforementioned mountain bailiff Hans Jeppesson's son, former valley bailiff Ingel Hansson (Svinhuvud) and some priests to Sthlm. The three first-mentioned and another four people were sentenced there on 17 February 1534 to have forfeited life and property by "carrying abominable shields, branding and acting profitable and obvious against their rightful lord". According to the verdict, M would have previously been pardoned for connections with Peder Jakobsson "sunnanväder" and Knut Mikaelsson, which was put in connection (Boë thius 1965, p 222) with his resignation from the mountain bailiff office in 1526. Furthermore, it was stated that letters from Ture Jönsson were found with him during the Västgöta lords' rebellion in 1529, and that in 1532 he refused to help King Gustav against Christian II and then had "secret orders and letters" into Norway to Kristian and Ture Jönsson. According to Peder Svart, M along with Anders Persson and Ingel Hansson were "put on a ladder" after their execution.

The veracity of some of the accusations against M has been questioned (Hildeman 1946, p. 34; Lagerqvist and Åberg 1986, p. 34). Against this it has been argued (Bo ëthius 1965, p 237), that "the various accusations are allowed to fit effortlessly into the known course", and that there are "no internal reasons that compel us to reject their veracity". At the beginning of the 20th century, a memorial stone was erected over M in Olsbacka in Aspeboda.

M owned about 40 farms in the parishes southwest of Kopparberget, in Hedemora and in Västerås. At least in some cases it was property that he received as collateral for loans (Bo ë thius 1965, p 48 o 503). In 1519-20 M had sold a farm in Sthlm and a plot of land on Södermalm next to it. He was the patronus of the Prebenda quinque vulnerum in Västerås Cathedral (Arv o eget), and his widow recovered from the same cathedral the Prebenda omnium sanctorum ( Boë thius 1965, p. 503; Kumlien, p. 387 o 586).

According to unverified 18th-century information (Jacob Ingelsson), two sons of M must have fled to Norway and never returned. Contemporary information is only available about the son Hans Månsson, who in 1540 (Carlsson) was in Rostock with the scarab bishop Magnus Haraldsson , also exiled from Gustav I (vol. 24). M's granddaughter Per Hansson, the bailiff, is said to have been ennobled in 1574 and became the ancestor of the family that now only survives in Finland, which in the Swedish Knights' House was called Svinhufvud af Qvalstad after its manor Kvallsta in Östuna, Upps, and whose best-known member was the Finnish president Pehr Evind Svinhufvud. The surviving family in Sweden, which at the knight's house was called Svinhufvud in Västergötland, on the other hand, originates from a niece of M's unfortunate brother Ingel Hansson.

Nils Månsson på Stora Aspeboda

Aspeboda gamla socken strax utanför Falun är en av de mest genuina bergsmansbygderna kring Kopparberget.

Under 1300- och 1400-talen bodde redan flera betydande bergsmän här, på stora gårdar med vidsträckta domäner. En av dem var Nils Månsson på Stora Aspeboda: domare, bergmästare och bergsfogde vid 1400-talets slut.

Liksom många andra vid Berget tillhörde han frälset - föregångare till adeln - och förde en vapensköld med ett rött svinhuvud på gul botten. Varifrån han kommit är okänt, men troligen var han på något sätt besläktad med den ätt vid Hosjön öster om Falun, som förde ett annat svinhuvudvapen.

Bergsfogde f i slutet av 1470-talet

Domare och bergmästare ledare för Sten Stures parti

Beskrevs som girig och hänsynslös.

Tillhörde frälset (föregångare till adeln) och förde en vapensköld med ett svihuvud i rött

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Ägare av Skyttgruvan i Näverberg.

Nils hade på sitt sigill ett svinhuvud. Svinhuvudet syns mycket tydligt i nedre delen av sigillet. Att det är efter ett huvud av ett vildsvin syns på nosen och de långa betarna i underkäken. Nils använde det till exempel år 1497. På sonen Måns sigill och vapen var svinhuvudet dock placerat på motsatt sida jämfört med hans pappa Nils sigill och vapen, se Bertil Boëthius, Kopparbergslagen fram till 1570-talets genombrott. Uppkomst, medeltid, tidig vasatid, Uppsala 1965, s. 47, 48.