

EXPLOITS OF THE CONNECTICUT SHIP "DEFENCE" by Louis F. Middlebrook ( 1922 )
PREFACE For what I have been able to discover in compiling this bit of Naval history pertaining to early beginnings toward the pro-tection of Connecticut from 1775 to 1783, I am indebted to the courtesies of' our Congressional Library, the Connecticut State Library where the priceless Trumbull papers repose, the Connec-ticut Historical Society where so many valuable treasures are preserved, to the Town Clerk of Fairfield, Connecticut, to Thomas B. Osborne Esqr. of New Haven, and to the Librarian of the British Admiralty in London. And I desire to return my grateful acknowledgment and appreciation to them for their combined assistance. When the Defence first went into commission at New Haven in February, 1776 as a Brig, her complement of commissioned officers was as follows: * Captain Setli Harding of Norwich First Lieutenant Ebenezer Bartram of Fairfield Second Lieutenant Samuel Smedley of Fairfield Third Lieutenant Henry Billings of Norwich Lieut, of Marines Joseph Squire of Fairfield . Master Josiah Burnham of Lyme First Mate Edward Beebe of Stratford Second Mate Jesse Jeacocks of New London Surgeon Dr. Ezra Bushnell of New Haven *(From first recorded Pay-Roll) Note:.— Samuel Bartram is recorded as having been appointed Second Lieutenant, John McCleave of New Haven as Master, and James Hopkins of Middletown as Third Lieutenant. They evidently declined or resigned, as I find no Pay-Roll bearing their names. L. F. M. 4 EXPLOITS OF °THE There were some changes in the commissioned personnel how-ever before the end of the year. Ebenezer Bartram was retired bec'ause of infirmity, and Samuel Smedley was promoted to First Lieutenant. Josiah Burnham resigned as Master. Henry Bil-lings resigned to take command of a Privateer brig. Captain Harding himself, being in ill health, resigned his command and made request that Smedley be appointed as Captain; and Ezra Bushnell resigned as Surgeon, his berth being temporarily taken by Dr. Gideon Wells. So that the personnel of the officers of the brig for the next cruise in the spring of 1777 was as follows: Captain Samuel Smedley of Fairfield First Lieutenant James Angel of New London Second Lieutenant Jonathan Leeds of New London Lieut, of Marines Joseph Squire of Fairfield Master Edward Beebe of Stratforcl First Mate Jesse Jeacocks of New London Second Mate Caleb Dyer of Stratford Surgeon Dr. Benjamin Ellis Midshipman Joseph Pease Midshipman John Lewis Midshipman Jonathan Alden Midshipman George Newcombe In the early part of 1778 when the Defence was lengthened and made into a ship, the officers personnel again changed, according to documentary evidence discovered, but apparently nowhere else recorded. Second Lieutenant Jonathan Leeds died in May, and was succeeded by Edward Beebe. Jesse Jeacocks was appointed Master in Beebe's place; Caleb Dyer promoted First Mate; Joseph Pease Second Mate; Joseph Squire promoted and com-missioned Captain of Marines; while John Lewis, Jonathan Alden and George Newcombe remained as Midshipmen, Dr. Benjamin Ellis as Surgeon, and Dr. Nehemiah Whiting was added as Surgeon's Mate. In addition to her battery of sixteen carriage 6-pounder guns, the Defence carried some swivels, nearly 100 muskets, 59 CONNECTICUT SHIP " DEFENCE " 13 pistols, 51 cutlasses, 11 blunderbus " murtherers," and two board-ing grappling irons. She carried two barges and one yawl. During her three year career she captured twelve prizes, viz May 20, 1776, ' sloop " Life-Guard " June 20, 1776, ship "Lord Howe" June 20, 1776, ship " George " June 20, 1776, brig "Annabelle " July 1, 1776, brig "John " Mar. 12, 1777, bark " Lydia " Mar. 16, 1777, sch. " Anna " Mar. 20, 1777, brig " Grog " Apr. 20,-1777, snow " Swift" , Apr. 20, 1778, ship " Cyrus " June 21, 1778, sloop " Tonyns Revenge June 21, 1778, sloop " Ranger " and took prisoners aggregating over six hundred. Louis F. Middlebrook
Hartford,Ct ( March 1922 )
HISTORICAL, evidence pertaining to the actual naval activities of the United Colonies of America during the Revolutionary War from 1775 to 1783, has been for the most part confined to quite meagre and scattered references in public records — such as they were —in each colony or state, usually appearing in a brief incomplete paragraph here and there, merely as a record, and without much detailed elaboration. Analyses of circumstances as reasons for the adoption of a given course to pursue, seldom appeared as public record in those days, attributable perhaps to a sense of discretion necessary! to recog-nize considering the stress of the times and the moderate per-centage of Royalist feeling among some of the inhabitants. Caution was presumably more emphatic relating to maritime matters than to the preparations and plans for military protection on land, because a naval plan was necessarily of a more stealth}' nature if successful cruises were to be made against the Power that ruled the waves, than the order of tilings ashore. In fact there appears to have been a reliance upon our privateers and other state or colony craft, as a matter of secret concern, for supplying a large part of the various commodities required by the forces ashore, resulting from the capturing of British prizes. So that , in order to find out why and how things were done, the old pen-written manuscript is about the only thing left to cull from — if its existence can be determined and made available. We must remember that it was a constant hazard to trust written evidence of plans between principals in strategy, and personal conferences were considered more satisfactory and safer •—and this course was largely pursued, especially concerning naval matters. Then again a large percentage of the marine orders, programs of campaign, journals of events, and log-books giving the recorded details of what happened on ship board, has by force of circumstances either become a part of the elements of the deep by deliberate destruction to avoid capture, or by ship-wreck, or by the combat itself. Some of it doubtless reposes in private collections as curiosities. Some of it is unquestionably 8 EXPLOITS OF °THE preserved in a wooden trunk, in a wooden garret, tied up with a mouldy cotton string and used as rat fodder and food for hungry squirrels. Perhaps some of it rests yet, in the secret archives of foreign governments and even municipalities of the seaboard shires of Britain, kept as a portion of the spoils of maritime adventure —- but very seldom is any of it found as public documents, because what happened in naval warfare in those days was without doubt much more inhuman than land warfare, and each unit of a ship's company knew the inevitable " sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish " doctrine pervading the voluntary calling he had chosen, .or was forced into choosing; and a record of tilings might not be really a comfortable kind of public document to keep for public gaze. Some of. these inter-esting documents however, have by fortune been brought ashore after.the various hardships and uses incident to the dampness and deterioration to which the}- have been subjected by constant exposure to the salt air, and have since been more carefully and properly protected in our different institutions and have received the expert care such historic papers deserve. To undertake at tliis time an assembly of the exploits of our daring seamen of the American Revolutionary War requires a more than usual careful and systematic search which one clue presents for leading up to another. The families involved oftentimes very pleasingly reinforce traditions which one may unearth, with a budget of real warm, living, manuscript letters that form the truest and most amazing evidence that one .may ever hope to expect. This method of collecting history does not apply to the military and civil historian quite so much, because his range of research is made easier by reason of the ready reference to the naturally preserved state papers, laws and forms on file, made necessary for the sake of homogeneity military-wise, and because there were so many more men and different land organizations established and to account for and to deal with, as compared with a relatively small outfit as represented by the complement of an armed craft of the .Revolutionary War period. These small complements called crews, were each as a rule subject to but one source of command, called a captain, and he in turn did not seem to be subservient to anyone else but himself, unless CONNECTICUT SHIP " DEFENCE " 9 he took a notion now and then to report to the governor of his own state — and nothing intervening. Hence it will be observed that what happened at sea was more told than written and many things were not told. Verbal reports by a naval captain when he happened to come home, instead of the written labored forms employed by the army, were oftentimes the only ones made. The reason I do not attempt to formulate a general cruise, and launch out in a wholesale way about' more than one Connecticut Naval Officer arid Ship of the Revolutionary period, is not because I have not accumulated data pertaining to many of them, but because of a natural affection for Hie neighborhood of my birth in the southern part of the state. One naturally tends toward the home town first I think to acquire ljistory, so when one begins to look up the life and service of a man like Captain Samuel Smedley of Fairfield, Connecticut and finds a real primary attraction, one cannot wait to investigate and analyze the rest of his life during a period when excitement was intense and patriotic feeling at the boiling point, especially with a British army encamped directly across the Sound, and a British fleet trying to control either end of it and harrass the inhabitants of Connecticut by plundering cattle, sheep, horses and homes, and occasionally taking hostages across for ransom. The boy had been brought up locally and probably absorbed his nautical knowledge from those with whom he associated, including no doubt Captain Ebenezer Bartram, who became Executive Officer of the Defence, and who perhaps taught Smedley how to find latitude, do plain sailing, and who more than likely, trained him in the arts of seamanship. Gunnery was no particular accomplishment in those days, for most guns were of cast iron and were of the 4-pounder or 6-pounder variety — smooth bore and of hardly more than pistol-shop capacity so far as doing serious injury was concerned. The crude, though fairly reliable Davis "hog-yoke" quadrant was the universal instrument for determining position at sea if the sun shined. The pocket dial and compass was the commonest and near-enough instrument for determining time of day, if the sun shined. The expensive English bulls-eye watch was a veritable thing of precision and while envied by some, was out of reach 10 EXPLOITS OF °THE by many, although Captain Smedley did have, according to his Will, one of these gold watches. The sand glass, or cinnamon glass was good enough for anybody provided he did not forget to turn it when the last grain ran through. These were Usually made to run a half hour. That was the official " one glass " at sea, and that is why, time is today measured in half hours at sea, by bells. Longitude was hard to get. Dead reckoning by the reel and log-line, and by the use of the lead line to find the depth of water, was easier. Greenwich time and a chro-nometer to keep it (under the captain's pillow) was a luxury too fancy to even hope for. Charts, buoys, and even lighthouses were in their infancy, and unreliable, and a sailor's instinct and ability was about the only real dependence to hang to on a cruise. The natural-born intuition about tides, winds, currents and storms, combined .with an elementary knowledge of navigation, a table of the Sun's declination, the qualifications for command, a Yankee idea or two about barter and trade, a piece of chalk and a pine board, not to forget a fairly good pair of flint-lock pistols and a short ready side-arm called a cutlass, usually completed the general complexion of a sea-captain's needs of the period. They were generally stalwart, hardy, fair-minded though stern, daring in the extreme, and exceptionally capable men. They had to be. And I have no doubt whatever, that many of them possessed an individual standard for emphatic verbal expression which may not have been devoted particularly to any specific sanctity. It was perhaps a sort of almost legiti-mized though unconsecrated flow of biblical terms without any peculiar degree of reverence—-interspersed with an unbroken demonstration of rather positive lingual pollution, which seemed to inspire a sailor with a desire for a sudden and substantial obedience. There was no diplomatic appeal or rendition of bucolic poetry about it. In short, there was nothing left' to the imagination for the immediate voluntary action of anybody within ear-shot of his trumpet. To those recently enlisted land-lubbers who had their initiation to such a brisk unsocial inter-change of direct remarks, there was no cause for doubt in their minds as to what was wanted of them, when it was necessary to attract their attention, without delay; and a ship in those 28 EXPLOITS OF °THE March 17th, 1779. Court of Inquiry of Capt. Smedley, Dr. To 4 bottles of wine . .' . £ 8. 9. 0 To 2 other bottles . . . 4. 4.. 0 To IS bowls of punch . . . 27. 0. 0 To 16 dinners 4. 10. 0 £44. 2, 0 errors excepted Pr Nathan Douglas Timothy Parker \ Wreck of "Defence"' March 10, 1779 There is no evidence as to who partook of this sorrowful repast but it is safe to say that Captain Harding, Captain Timothy Parker, Captain Samuel Smedley, Lieutenant James CONNECTICUT SHIP " DEFENCE " 29 Angel, Captain Lloyd of the Continental detachment, and perhaps Nathaniel Shaw, then Naval Agent for the port of New London were present. By the nature of the circumstances surrounding this unhappy episode of losing his ship, Captain Smedley as the saying is, in nautical parlance, was necessarily " put on the beach " — went home to Fairfield and once more applied himself to agricultural pursuits on the farm — until offered the command of the Guilford, another state war vessel, by Governor Trumbull in June. This he declined, as he had evidently made up his mind to remain quiet for awhile at least, or perhaps until he could satisfactorily arrange a bargain for a Letter of Marque of his own. While thus engaged at home, the British General Tryon had been formulating his concerted drive from the Sound and from Long Island, and landed on Fairfield Beach with a large force of Hessians and proceeded at once to burn the town in the early part of July, 1779. On July 2nd a letter appears on file addressed to Gov. Trumbull signed by Samuel Squire, Jonathan Sturges and Thaddeus Burr of Fairfield, stating that Capt. Smedley was in command of a field piece (cannon) with which he successfully hulled an enemy ship after a raid had been made by an enemy party from Long Island. Among the estates burned was that of Captain Samuel Smedley including a loss of two houses, a barn, shop, furniture and clothing, provisions, etc., estimated at £ 795, for which the state authorized reimbursement by Act of the General Assembly in October, 1780, of £437. based on the assessed valuation of 1774. To say that many of the families of Fairfield were in dire straits by reason of this wanton destruction by fire at the hands of Tryon's men, is putting it mildly. Many of them literally had to camp out. Some, of them fled inland toward what is now Trumbull and Easton, five or six miles north, and were taken in bodily by friends and neighbors until they could make plans for rebuilding their homes. General Gold Sellick Silliman's wife and family were thus sheltered in North Stratford, while he was a captive on Long Island and his home destroyed. Undaunted by these reverses, burnt out of house and home, Captain Smedley, then but twenty-six years old rebuilt his home, which, 30 EXPLOITS OF °THE although altered and modernized, now stands on the corner, at the end of Fairfield Main Street below the Town Hall Green, on the right as you turn on the Boston Post Road on the way to New York. His father-in-law, David Rowland lived across the street, and this was where. Smedley's family practically lived during his long absences at sea. On the corner next to the fence enclosing the Smedley place is a large stone with the following inscription cut upon it: — "By David Barlow, the Cidevant Farmer 1791." The meaning of this inscription is explained — that during the French Revolution of 1789 aristocrats were called " Cidevants." Evidently the stone was planted by Barlow to protect Smedley's fence, and. perhaps later inscribed by Smedley when- he returned home. To show the spirit of tire inhabitants of Fairfield when Tryon landed, set fire to the village, and sent a flag of truce to the commandant of militia, while his Hessians were burning the town, the following reply is found on file, and is of important interest.— " Connecticut having nobly dared to take up arms against the mad despotism of Britain, and as the flames have now preceded the answer to your flag, they will persist to oppose to their utmost, the power excited against injured innocence." Signed by Samuel Whiting, Colonel commandant. To Major General Tryon Fairfield. July 7th 1779. The same tiling happened behind the stone wall fences in Fairfield that happened in Concord. The men, women and boys retreated to ambush and with their muskets did what they could to the Hessians, fell back to Mill Plain, Greenfield Hill and on. the west, to Saugatuck, and got ready for the enemy the best they could. The whole country was alarmed and began to swarm in from all sides, finally compelling the enemy to retreat to their ships and sail away. -Soon after the burning of Fairfield, Smedley began to lay his plans for Privateering against the British again, and finally succeeded in arranging with Joseph Williams of Norwich, John Grinnell of Fairfield, and Gurdon Saltonstall of New London for the command and part ownership of a practically new ship which CONNECTICUT SHIP " DEFENCE " 31 he called the Recovery and proceeded to fit her out at New Lon-don for a cruise on his own account — secured his commission from Congress as Master, and Letter of Marque, giving the United States a Bond of $20,000 for good behavior, etc. This bond was signed by Joseph Williams and John Grinnell and witnessed by Gurdon Saltonstall and David Manwaring (Vol-. 12. page 103 No. 196 C. C.) The Recovery was a ship about the same size as the Defence and mounted 16 carriage guns. Smedley manned the Recovery with a Fairfield crew, and with boys whose homes had been burned and pillaged by order of General Tryon and who could not wait to get an opportunity of vengeance. The full complement of 120 men was obtained and ready to weigh anchor in January, 1780/ but because of New London harbor being frozen, he was unable to get out into the Sound and away to the ocean before February 18th, 1780 when he took his departure. His cruise was of but short duration however, for he was overpowered off Newfoundland in Lat. 60 N. Long. 43 W. (according to a letter on file from Capt. Daniel Scovel dated March 20th,—) by one of Arbuthnot's British frigates, the Galatea Captain Rice, and a British cutter. The chase was of seven hours duration before he was overhauled and taken prisoner with all his men, and brought back to New York where he arrived March 31st and was placed on a Prison Ship. Arrange-ments were made April 25th, 1780 between Governor Trumbull and Jabez Bowen of Providence, for Smedley's exchange for Lieutenant Locke of the British Navy, and in a letter dated May 11, 1780 from David Sproat, British Commissary of Prisoners at New York to Major William Ledyard of New London, it appears that Smedley was exchanged according to this arrange-ment; and we again find him in New London, still young, per-sistent, and with blood in his eye, looking for another Privateer , to fit out against his adversaries. Here he again succeeded, and arranged for part ownership with Joseph Howland and Thomas Coit of Norwich, in another vessel called the Hibernia which mounted 10 carriage guns — and gathering his crew, he again set sail from New London on October 10th, 1780. Ill fortune again thwarted him, for he was captured on the high seas after being only fourteen days out and taken back to New York, and, by 32 EXPLOITS OF °THE order of Admiral Rodney, was shipped as a naval prisoner of war, in March, 1781 to Old Mill Prison, Plymouth, England, where he remained for some time, notwithstanding Peace nego-tiations had practically terminated hostilities. It is interesting to remember however that this young son of Connecticut was but twenty-eight years old, and still physically able to take care-of himself evidently, for the records of Old Mill Prison tell us that Samuel Smedley of Connecticut escaped, whereabouts unknown. By a persistent search of about every known source of supply of official and unofficial records, I recently had the good fortune to accidently stumble upon one of Robert Livingston's letters to John Jay, then Secretary of State under Washington, in which he mentioned that Captain Smedley had just arrived in Phila-delphia (September- 12th, 1782) from Holland in command of the chartered ship Heer Adams, with a large consignment of military and naval stores purchased in Holland by Commodore Gillon, of the Frigate South Carolina for the use of the United-States during the war — and I find from a private source, viz: Mr. Thomas B. Osborne of New Hayen, Connecticut, a minia-ture of Captain Smedley, in uniform, painted evidently while he was in Holland, a refugee from British tyranny. Captain Smedley returned to his native town in Fairfield, and continued in the service of his country, by appointment as _ Collector of Customs for the District of Fairfield, until his death June 13th, 1812. Fairfield was then a port of entry, until changed to Bridgeport. The custom house at one time was kept on Green-field Hill in the house now occupied by the descendants of Barzilla Banks. Afterwards, it was in a building in Bridgeport west of Park Avenue, formerly Division street, where that street separated Fairfield from Bridgeport. The exploits of Captain Smedley and his ship Defence during the Revolutionary War brought into the coffers of the colonies, the Continental establishment, and to Connecticut, by its twelve prizes, the equivalent, as near as it can be conservatively approximated by review of accounts, inventories, etc. on file, of $500,000. — Avhich for a three years' life of a ship less than one hundred feet long, manned by various Connecticut men and boys aggregating not in excess of 350 first and last, is more to its CONNECTICUT SHIP " DEFENCE " 33 credit than any other vessel of like tonnage, that I have found, in service during the War of the American Revolution. In the old cemetery on the west side of the Beach Road, near the Sound, in Fairfield, you will find a simple gray head stone bearing these words — and nothing more:— " Samuel Smedley Esqr. late Collector of Customs for the District of Fairfield. Died June 13, 1812. Aged 59 " ? "Nothing but Waves we view in Sea where ships do float "And danger lie, huge whales, and fishes play "Above our heads, heaven's starred-embroidered coat " Whose vault contains two eyes, for Night and Day "Far from the Main on any Marine Coast " Twixt Borean Blast and Billows we are tossed.
1753 |
March 5, 1753
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Fairfield, Fairfield, Ct, United States
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1812 |
June 13, 1812
Age 59
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Fairfield, Fairfield, Ct, United States
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Old Burying Ground, Fairfield, Fairfield, Ct, United States
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