Fan Wencheng 范文程

Fan Wên-ch'êng 范文程 (T. 憲斗 H. 煇嶽) ,1597-1666, Aug. 31, one of the first four Grand Secretaries of the Ch'ing dynasty, a native of Fu-shun, near Shên-yang (Mukden), was a great-grandson of Fan Ts'ung 范鏓 (chin-shih of 1517) who was a president of the Board of War in the Ming period. When Nurhaci [q.v.] took Fu-shun in 1618 (see under Li Yung-fang), Fan Wên-ch'êng surrendered to the Manchus and was shown much favor. When in 1629 Manchu troops under Abahai [q.v.] pillaged their way to the walls of Peking and suffered a defeat at the hands of Yüan Ch'ung-huan [q.v.], Fan invented the story that Yüan was in league with the Manchus. The Ming emperor became suspicious, arrested and finally executed Yüan. Fan, in turn, was rewarded by Abahai with a minor hereditary title. Abahai relied much on him in the founding of the central government at Mukden, making him in 1636 a Grand Secretary—his colleagues being Ganglin (see under Dorgon), Hife (see under Songgotu), and Pao Ch'êng-hsien 鮑承先. Involved in 1643 in a conspiracy with Adali and Šoto (see under Lekedehun and Dorgon), Fan and his family, then belonging to the Plain Red Banner (?), were transferred to the Chinese Bordered Yellow Banner. When the news of the fall of Peking to Li Tz'ŭ-ch'êng [q.v.] reached Mukden in 1644 Fan memorialized the princes regent urging them to seize this opportunity to conquer an empire, but in so doing to spare the lives of the common people and refrain from the destruction that characterized former invasions.

Fan Wên-ch'êng accompanied Dorgon [q.v.] in the expedition to Peking and suggested to him many ways of putting into effect the new Manchu regime and adapting it to the Chinese political organization. He recommended, for example, the introduction of extra sessions of the civil service examinations, remittance of burdensome taxes, and the proper burial of the last Ming emperor. Although partially involved in 1651 in the case of Ganglin and Kicungge (see under Dorgon) who were condemned to death for having altered the official records of the reign of Nurhaci, Fan got off with but a brief suspension from office. In the following year he was made a member of the Council of princes and high officials and was raised to the hereditary rank of viscount of the first class. He retired in 1654, and three years later the emperor ordered that his portrait be painted and kept in the palace. He was canonized as Wên-su 文肅. Of his sons the best known was Fan Ch'êng-mo [q.v.].

[ 1/238/2b; 3/1/3a; 4/4/1a; Tung-hua lu, Shun-chih 1/4b, 2/4b; China Review IX, 1880-81, pp. 95-97; Fan Ch'êng-mo, Fan Chung-ch'ên kung wên-chi, 5/2b.]

FANG CHAO-YING

《清史稿》卷232

范文程，字憲斗，宋觀文殿大學士高平公純仁十七世孫也。其先世，明初自江西謫瀋陽，遂為瀋陽人，居撫順所。曾祖鏓，正德間進士，官至兵部尚書，明史有傳。

文程少好讀書，穎敏沉毅，與其兄文寀並為瀋陽縣學生員。天命三年，太祖既下撫順，文寀、文程共謁太祖。太祖偉文程，與語，器之，知為鏓曾孫，顧謂諸貝勒曰：「此名臣後也，善遇之！」上伐明，取遼陽，度三岔攻西平，下廣寧，文程皆在行間。

太宗即位，召直左右。天聰三年，復從伐明，入薊門，克遵化。文程別將偏師徇潘家口、馬蘭峪、三屯營、馬欄關、大安口，凡五城皆下。既，明圍我師大安口，文程以火器進攻，圍解。太宗自將略永平，留文程守遵化，敵掩至，文程率先力戰，敵敗走。以功授世職游擊。五年，師圍大凌河，降其城，而蒙古降卒有陰戕其將叛去者，上怒甚，文程從容進說，貸死者五百餘人。時明別將壁西山之巔，獨負險堅守未下，文程單騎抵其壘，諭以利害，乃請降。上悅，以降人盡賜文程。

六年，從上略明邊，文程與同直文館寧完我、馬國柱上疏論兵事，以為入宣、大，不若攻山海。及師至歸化城，上策深入，召文程等與謀。文程等疏言：「察我軍情狀，志皆在深入。當直抵北京決和否，毀山海關水門而歸，以張軍威。若計所從入，惟雁門為便，道既無阻，道旁居民富庶，可資以為糧。上如慮師無名，當顯諭其民，言察哈爾汗遠遁，所部歸於我，道遠不可以徒行，來與爾國議和，假爾馬以濟我新附之眾。和議成，償馬值；不成，異日興師，荷天之寵，以版圖歸我，凡軍興而擾及者，當量免賦稅數年。此所謂堂堂正正之師也。否則，作書抵近邊諸將吏，使以議和請於其主，為期決進止。彼朝臣內撓，邊將外諉，遷延逾所期，我師即乘釁而入。我師進，利在深入；否，利在速歸；半途而返，無益也。」疏入，上深嘉納之。

七年，孔有德等使通款，而明兵迫之急，上命文程從諸貝勒帥師赴援；文程宣上德意，有德等遂以所部來歸。自是破旅順，收平島，討朝鮮，撫定蒙古，文程皆與謀。

崇德元年，改文館為內三院，以文程為內祕書院大學士，進世職二等甲喇章京。初，旗制既定，設固山額真。諸臣議首推文程，上曰：「范章京才誠勝此，然固山職一軍耳，朕方資為心膂。其別議之。」文程所典皆機密事，每入對，必漏下數十刻始出；或未及食息，復召入。上重文程，每議政，必曰：「范章京知否？」脫有未當，曰：「何不與范章京議之？」眾曰：「范亦云爾。」上輒署可。文程嘗以疾在告，庶務填委，命待范章京病已裁決。撫諭各國書敕，皆文程視草。初，上猶省覽，後乃不復詳審，曰：「汝當無謬也。」文程迎父楠侍養，嘗入侍上食，有珍味，文程私念父所未嘗，逡巡不下箸。上察其意，即命徹饌以賜楠，文程再拜謝。

世祖即位，命隸鑲黃旗。睿親王多爾袞帥師伐明，文程上書言：「中原百姓蹇離喪亂，備極荼毒，思擇令主，以圖樂業。曩者棄遵化，屠永平，兩次深入而復返。彼必以我為無大志，惟金帛子女是圖，因懷疑貳。今當申嚴紀律，秋毫勿犯，宣諭進取中原之意：官仍其職，民復其業，錄賢能，恤無告。大河以北，可傳檄定也。」及流賊李自成破明都，報至，文程方養疴蓋州湯泉，驛召決策，文程曰：「闖寇塗炭中原，戕厥君后，此必討之賊也。雖擁眾百萬，橫行無憚，其敗道有三：逼殞其主，天怒矣；刑辱搢紳，拷劫財貨，士忿矣；掠人貲，淫人婦，火人廬舍，民恨矣。備此三敗，行之以驕，可一戰破也。我國上下同心，兵甲選練，聲罪以臨之，卹其士夫，拯其黎庶。兵以義動，何功不成？」又曰：「好生者天之德也，古未有嗜殺而得天下者。國家止欲帝關東則已，若將統一區夏，非乂安百姓不可。」翌日，馳赴軍中草檄，諭明吏民言：「義師為爾復君父仇，非殺爾百姓，今所誅者惟闖賊。吏來歸，復其位；民來歸，復其業。師行以律，必不汝害。」檄皆署文程官階、姓氏。

既克明都，百度草創，用文程議，為明莊烈愍皇帝發喪，安撫孑遺，舉用廢官，蒐求隱逸，甄考文獻，更定律令，廣開言路，招集諸曹胥吏，徵求冊籍。明季賦額屢加，冊皆燬於寇，惟萬曆時故籍存，或欲下直省求新冊，文程曰：「即此為額，猶慮病民，其可更求乎？」於是議遂定。論功，並遇恩詔，進一等阿思哈尼哈番加拖沙喇哈番，賜號「巴克什」。復進二等精奇尼哈番。

順治二年，江南既定，文程上疏言：「治天下在得民心，士為秀民。士心得，則民心得矣。請再行鄉、會試，廣其登進。」從之。五年正月，定內三院為文臣班首，命文程及剛林、祁充格用珠頂、玉帶。七年，睿親王多爾袞卒。八年，大學士剛林、祁充格以附睿親王妄改太祖實錄，坐死。文程與同官當連坐，上以文程不附睿親王，命但奪官論贖。是歲即復官。九年，遇恩詔，復進世職一等精奇尼哈番，授議政大臣，監修太宗實錄。

時直省錢糧多不如額，一歲至缺四百餘萬，賦虧餉絀。文程疏言：「湖廣、江西、河南、山東、陝西五省亂久民稀，請興屯，設道二、同知四，令督撫選屬吏廉能敏幹者任之，以選吏當否為督撫功罪。官吏俸廩，初年出興屯母財，次年以所穫償。自後皆出所穫，官增而俸不費。屯用牛，若穀種，若農器，聽興屯道發州縣倉庫以具。屯始駐兵，地荒蕪多而水道便者，以次及其餘。地無主，若有主而棄不耕，皆為官屯。民願耕而財不足，官佐以牛若穀種，分所穫三之一，三年後為民業。編保甲，使助守望，絕奸宄。若無財，官畀以傭值。民將逭饑，流亡當大集。初年所穫糧草，聽屯吏儲留，出陳易新，為次年母財；有餘，畀近屯駐軍，勿為額以取盈。三年所穫寖多，僦舟車運以饋餉。毋煩屯吏，毋役屯民，毋用屯牛。屯所在州縣吏受興屯道指揮，屯吏稱其職，三歲進二秩，視邊俸；不職，責撫按糾舉；有所徇，則併坐：所謂信賞必罰也。」上深韙其議。

十年，復與同官疏：「請敕部院三品以上大臣，各舉所知，毋問滿、漢新舊，毋泥官秩高下，毋避親疏恩怨，舉惟其才，各具專疏，臚舉實蹟，置御前以時召對。察其論議，覈其行事，並視其舉主為何如人，則其人堪任與否，上早所深鑒，待缺簡用。稱職，量效之大小，舉主同其賞；不稱職，量罪之大小，舉主同其罰。」上特允所請。

上勤於政治，屢幸內院，進諸臣從容諮訪。文程每以班首承旨，陳對稱上意。嘗值端陽，諸臣散直差早，上曰：「乘藉天休，猥圖安樂，人情盡然。特欲逸必先勞，俾國家大定，其樂方永。不然，樂亦暫耳。」復言：「人孰無過，能改之為美。成湯盛德，改過不吝。若明武宗嬉游無度，諉罪於其臣，豈修己治人之道耶？」文程因奏：「君明臣良，必交勉釋回，始克荷天休，濟國事。」上曰：「善。自今以往，朕有過即改。卿等亦宜黽勉，毋忘啟沃可也！」上嘗命遣官蒞各省恤刑，文程言：「前此遣滿、漢大臣巡方，慮擾民，故罷。今四方水旱災傷，民勞未息，宜罷遣使。現禁重囚，令各省巡撫詳勘，有可矜疑，奏聞裁定。」上從之。文程論政，務簡耍，持大體，多類是。

十一年八月，上加恩輔政諸臣，特加文程少保兼太子太保，文程疏謝，因自陳衰病，乞休。九月，上降溫諭，進太傅兼太子太師，致仕。上以文程祖宗朝舊臣，有大功於國家，禮遇甚厚：文程疾，嘗親調藥餌以賜；遣畫工就第圖其像，藏之內府；賚御用服物，多不勝紀；又以文程形貌頎偉，命特製衣冠，求其稱體。聖祖即位，特命祭告太宗山陵，伏地哀慟不能起。康熙五年八月庚戌，卒，年七十。上親為文，遣禮部侍郎黃機諭祭，賜葬懷柔紅螺山，立碑紀績，諡文肅，御書祠額曰「元輔高風」。文程子承廕、承謨、承勛、承斌、承烈、承祚，承謨自有傳。