Ana Pauker (born Hannah Rabinsohn; December 13, 1893 – June 3, 1960) was a Romanian communist leader and served as the country's foreign minister in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Ana Pauker became the world's first female foreign minister when entering office in December 1947. She was also the unofficial leader of the Romanian Communist Party right after World War II.

Biography Early life and political career Pauker was born into a poor, religious Orthodox Jewish family in Codăești, Vaslui County (the region of Moldavia), the daughter of Sarah and (Tsvi-)Hersh Kaufman Rabinsohn. Her father was a ritual slaughterer and synagogue functionary, her mother a small-time food seller. They had four surviving children; an additional two died in infancy. As a young woman, she became a teacher in a Jewish elementary school in Bucharest. While her younger brother was a Zionist and remained religious, she opted for Socialism, joining the Social Democratic Party of Romania in 1915 and then its successor, the Socialist Party of Romania, in 1918. She was active in the pro-Bolshevik faction of the group, the one that took control after the Party's Congress of May 8–12, 1921 and joined the Comintern under the name of Socialist-Communist Party (future Communist Party of Romania). She and her husband, Marcel Pauker, became leading members. They were both arrested in 1923 and 1924 for their political activities and went into exile in Berlin, Paris, and Vienna in 1926 and 1927. In 1928, Ana Pauker moved to Moscow to enter the Comintern's International Lenin School, which trained the top functionaries of the Communist movement. There, she became closely associated with Dmitry Manuilsky, the Kremlin's foremost representative at the Comintern in the 1930s.[1]

Communist leadership position Ana Pauker went to France where she became an instructor for the Comintern and was also involved in the communist movement elsewhere in the Balkans. She returned to Romania and was arrested in 1935, was put on trial together with other leading communists such as Alexandru Moghioroș and Alexandru Drăghici, and was sentenced to ten years in prison. In May 1941, the Romanian government sent her into exile to the Soviet Union in exchange for Ion Codreanu, a former member of Sfatul Țării (the parliament of Bessarabia that voted for union with Romania on 27 March 1918), who was detained by the Soviets after the occupation of Bessarabia in 1940. In the meantime, her husband had fallen victim to the Soviet Great Purge in 1938. Rumors abounded that she herself had denounced him as a Trotskyist traitor; Comintern archival documents reveal, however, that she repeatedly refused to do so.[2]

In Moscow, she became the leader of the Romanian Communist Party exiles who would later become known as the "Muscovite faction". She returned to Romania in 1944 when the Red Army entered the country, becoming a member of the post-war government, which came to be dominated by the communists. In November 1947, the non-communist foreign minister Gheorghe Tătărescu was ousted and replaced by Pauker, making her the first woman in the modern world to hold such a post.[3]

But it was her position in the Communist Party leadership that was paramount. As a member of the four-person Secretariat of the Central Committee and formally second in the leadership, Pauker was widely believed to be the actual leader of the Romanian communists in all but name during the immediate post-war period. In 1948 Time magazine featured her portrait on its cover and described her as "the most powerful woman alive".[4] Infamous as the "Iron Lady" of Romanian Communist politics, she was universally seen as unreservedly Stalinist and as Moscow's primary agent in Romania.

Unquestionably, Ana Pauker played a pivotal role in the imposition of communism on Romania. At the same time, she emerged as a force for moderation within the Romanian communist leadership during the early postwar period. Pauker was certainly complicit in the extensive purges and arrests in 1945 of tens of thousands of Romanians who were linked to the Ion Antonescu regime. But by August 1945 Pauker and interior minister Teohari Georgescu released all but two to three thousand of those arrested, and they offered amnesty to any member of the fascist Iron Guard who had not committed serious crimes and who would turn in his weapons.[5] In late 1944 or early 1945, she pushed for creating a more broad-based coalition with the National Peasants' Party and the National Liberal Party, but was overruled by Joseph Stalin; hence, the Communist-led government created in March 1945 comprised a more restrictive coalition with a faction of the National Liberals led by Gheorghe Tătărescu.[6]

During this same period, Pauker also pursued what she later described as "a type of Social Democratic policy" of mass recruitment of as many as 500,000 new Communist Party members without verification, including former members of the Iron Guard.[7] This policy would later be the subject of an attack on Pauker during her purge,[8] and it was quickly overturned. Many of those who entered the party during Pauker's mass recruitment campaign would be purged between 1948 and 1950, and mass arrests would return with a vengeance in 1947 (including members of the National Peasants' Party and the National Liberal Party, as well as the amnestied members of the Iron Guard).[9] Although she acceded to Soviet orders to arrest the leaders of the non-communist opposition,[10] Pauker reportedly opposed the arrests of prominent National Peasants' Party officials Corneliu Coposu and Ghiță Pop[11] and appealed to the presiding judge of the trial of National Peasants' Party leader Iuliu Maniu for leniency in his sentencing.[12]

Reviewing her record during the early postwar years, the historian Norman Naimark observed that Pauker's "policies in the period 1945-1948 are remarkably similar to those of the Polish leader Władysław Gomułka. She encouraged coalitions with the 'historical' parties, urged compromises with 'bourgeois' politicians, and sought to deflect the persecution of social democrats and liberals." [13]

These contradictions would intensify as the regime became more Stalinist under Cold War pressures from 1947 on. Ana Pauker was a steeled and tested Stalinist who was "fanatically loyal to Stalin and the Soviet Union", who once admitted that "[i]f a Soviet official told me something, it was the gospel for me... If they had told me that the USSR needed it, I would have done it... [I]f they had told me to throw myself into the fire, I would have done it".[14] Nevertheless, Pauker paradoxically promoted a number of policies counter to those of the Kremlin during the Cominform period of "high Stalinism", when the Soviet Union imposed a single, hegemonic line on all its satellites. In 1948 she opposed the verification and purge of the large numbers who had entered the Communist Party during the mass recruitment campaign, even though the Cominform had ordered such a verification in every Bloc country.[15] In 1949 she opposed the construction of the Danube-Black Sea Canal, even though, according to her own testimony, Stalin had personally proposed the project.[16] In 1949-52 she opposed the purging of the Romanian veterans of the Spanish Civil War and French Resistance as part of Moscow's bloc-wide campaign against Josip Broz Tito or, at the very least, took no part in their repression, as they were not purged en masse in Romania until a few months after Pauker's downfall.[17] And she was reported by colleagues and associates to have resisted Stalin's plans to have Justice Minister Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu put on trial, and was accused by the Securitate's chief Soviet adviser of having "sabotaged and postponed investigations" in the Pătrășcanu case.[18] (This remains a subject of debate among historians,[19] for there is a dearth of evidence in the Romanian archives on Pauker's position on Pătrășcanu because all transcripts of Politburo discussions on the Pătrășcanu inquiry were summarily destroyed on the orders of General Secretary Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej.[20])

In addition, Pauker supported, and helped facilitate, the emigration of roughly 100,000 Jews to Israel from the spring of 1950 to the spring of 1952, when all other Soviet satellites had shut their gates to Jewish emigration in line with Stalin's escalating "anti-Zionist" campaign.[21] And she firmly opposed forced collectivization that was carried out on Moscow's orders in the summer of 1950 while she was in a Kremlin hospital undergoing treatment for breast cancer. Angrily condemning such coercion as "absolutely opposed to the line of our party and absolutely opposed to any serious Communist thought",[22] she allowed peasants forced into collective farms to return to private farming and effectively halted additional collectivization throughout 1951.[23] This, as well as her support beginning in 1947 for higher prices for agricultural products in defiance of her Soviet "advisers",[24] along with her favoring the integration of kulaks into the emerging socialist order,[25] led Stalin to charge that Pauker had fatefully deviated into "peasantist, non-Marxist policies".[26]

Pauker's "Moscow faction" (so called because many of its members, like Pauker, had spent years in exile in Moscow) was opposed by the "prison faction" (most of whom had spent the Fascist period in Romanian prisons, particularly Doftana Prison). Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, the de facto leader of the prison faction, had supported intensified agricultural collectivization,[27] pushed for Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu's trial and execution,[28] and was a rigid Stalinist; however, he resented some strains of Soviet influence (which would become clear at the time of de-Stalinization when, as leader of Communist Romania, he was a determined opponent of Nikita Khrushchev).[29]

Downfall and Scapegoating Gheorghiu-Dej profited from the mounting anti-Semitism in Soviet policy and actively lobbied Joseph Stalin to take action against the Pauker faction. Gheorghiu-Dej traveled to Moscow in August 1951 to seek Stalin's approval for purging Pauker and her allies in the Secretariat (Vasile Luca and Teohari Georgescu).[30] But archival evidence has led Vladimir Tismaneanu to conclude that "Ana Pauker's downfall did not occur merely, or even primarily, because of Gheorghiu-Dej's skillful maneuvering—as some Romanian novels published in the 1980s would have us believe—but foremost because of Stalin's decision to initiate a major political purge in Romania."[31] Pauker, Luca, and Georgescu were purged in May 1952, consolidating Gheorghiu-Dej's own grip over country and Party.

The charges against Ana Pauker increasingly focused on her positions on Zionism and Israel. She was accused of supporting "the subversive and espionage activities of the Israeli Legation and of the Zionists in the country," of making secret commitments to Israeli diplomats, of displaying a "nationalist attitude on the emigration of Jews to Israel," and of divulging secrets to "the enemy" (the United States) through its principal agent, "international Zionism." [32]

Pauker was arrested on February 18, 1953 and subjected to prolonged interrogations in preparation for a show trial, as had occurred with Rudolf Slánský and others in the Prague Trials. After Stalin's death in March 1953 she was freed from jail and put under house arrest instead-- the result of the direct intervention of Vyacheslav Molotov, who reportedly acted on the insistence of his wife Polina Zhemchuzhina, a friend of Pauker's and herself freed from prison soon after Stalin's death.[33]

Following the Twentieth Party Congress in Moscow there were fears that Khrushchev might force the Romanian Party to rehabilitate Pauker and possibly install her as Romania's new leader. Gheorghiu-Dej went on to accuse her, Vasile Luca, and Teohari Georgescu for their alleged Stalinist excesses in the late 1940s and early 1950. The period when all four were in power was marked by political persecution and the murder of opponents (such as the infamous brainwashing experiments conducted at Pitești prison in 1949-1952). Gheorghiu-Dej, who had as much to account for, used moments like these to ensure the survival of his policies in a post-Stalinist age.

Ana Pauker was recast by Romania's leaders in the official party history as having been a staunch ultra-orthodox Stalinist, even though she had opposed or had attempted to moderate a number of Stalinist policies while she was in a leadership position. As the historian Robert Levy concluded: "No other communist leader save Tito has been shown to have resisted the Soviet-imposed line as she did-- whether on collectivization, the fight against the kulaks and the urban bourgeoise, the prosecution of Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu, the purge of the Spanish Civil War and French Resistance veterans, the dimensions of the Five-Year Plan, the staging of a show trial of Romanian Zionists, or the facilitation of mass Jewish emigration".[34]

In 1956, she was summoned for questioning by a high-level party commission, which insisted that she acknowledge her guilt. Again, she claimed she was innocent and demanded that she be reinstated as a party member, without success.

During her forcible retirement, Pauker was allowed to work as a translator from French and German for the Editura Politică publishing house.

Death In the spring of 1959, Pauker was diagnosed with a terminal recurrence of cancer. She died on June 3, 1960 of cardiac arrest, after the cancer had spread to her heart and lungs.[35]

Legacy Ana Pauker's legacy in Romania today is still tainted by the attempt of communist party propagandists in the 1950s and 1960s to scapegoat her as the leader responsible for the crimes of the early communist period. For instance, she is often referred to in Romania as "Stalin with a skirt" (Stalin cu fustă).[36] Film director Radu Gabrea, who completed a feature-length documentary on Pauker in 2016, [37] suggests that this demonizing of Pauker is only possible because Pauker was a woman of Jewish origin, and that it reflects the widespread antisemitism in Romania. [38] Today, inside the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Pauker's portrait is the only one that has been removed from the photo gallery of former Ministers of Foreign Affairs.[citation needed]

As historian Robert Levy put it: "Long the party's propagandists' scapegoat as the source of all horrors of the Stalinist period, Ana Pauker continues to be vilified in post-communist Romania as the party leader most culpable for the post-war years' repression. But the truth is that this perpetually contradictory figure, though a Stalinist herself, and one who played a key role in imposing Communism on Romania, paradoxically presented an alternative to the rigid, harsh Stalinism that soon emblemized Romanian party life and left a hidden legacy as a persistent patron of Romania's peasantry within the communist hierarchy. The fall of Ana Pauker was a significant step in a process that precluded any reformist leadership from prevailing in Romania and fated its citizens to endure the extreme hardship that would culminate in the Ceaușescu regime.

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Universally regarded as the Soviets’ most trusted agent in Romania––“her fanatical subservience to Moscow,” one observer noted, “was not only undisputed, it was legendary”—Ana Pauker became synonymous with the terror and repression of her country’s Stalinist period. Archival discoveries, however, demonstrate that she was actually a force for moderation in the Romanian Politburo, often contradicting the Stalinist line set down by Moscow. Having opposed the Soviet “advisers” on exploiting the peasantry in September 1947 (the very month of the founding of the Cominform, which was to “coordinate”—that is, dictate—policy in the bloc), Pauker was appointed Agriculture Secretary at her insistence and personally oversaw collectivization after the Kremlin had imposed it in 1948. Resisting the Soviet “advisers” on setting a fixed and inflated number of collective farms, Pauker persistently claimed that collectivization could proceed only after the country had become sufficiently mechanized through industrialization, even though the Stalinist line suggested just the opposite: that collectivization was the means for acquiring as much capital from the peasantry as possible to finance industrialization. In June 1950, however, while Pauker was hospitalized in Moscow for breast cancer, Romania’s leaders—at the behest of the Soviets—waged a repressive campaign of forced collectivization and launched a wave of terror against “kulaks” throughout the countryside. When she returned to her duties at the end of 1950, Pauker halted collectivization in its tracks (refusing to establish even one new collective farm in 1951) and froze the anti-kulak campaign. Promoting as well a more liberal approach to the mandatory collections of peasant produce, Ana Pauker (to quote one colleague) emerged as “the patron of the peasantry” within the Romanian leadership—all quite to the chagrin of her Soviet masters.

Likewise, Pauker resisted Soviet pressure to stage an anti-Tito show trial in Romania, unlike her contemporaries in Hungary, Albania, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia. Hence she opposed the frame-up of the former Justice Minister, Lucretiu Patrascanu, and the Romanian veterans of the Spanish Civil War, as imperialist spies. It was only after her own downfall that Patrascanu was finally brought to trial and executed, and that the Spanish Civil War veterans were repressed en masse in Romania.

Further, Ana Pauker pursued an independent line fostering the mass emigration of Romanian Jews to Israel after the Soviets had turned against the Jewish state in late 1948. She also opposed prosecuting the leaders of the Romanian Zionist movement, who had begun to be arrested in July 1950. Despite the Kremlin’s escalating “anti-Zionist” campaign, no Zionist leaders were tried in Romania as long as Pauker remained in power; but once she was ousted, they were all prosecuted in a series of trials in 1953 and 1954.

A Jewish communist largely untainted by self-hatred, Ana Pauker rejected Marxism-Leninism’s class-based approach to the “Jewish Question” and argued in the Politburo that all Jews regardless of class were oppressed and had been victimized by antisemitism even of the working class. In so doing, she conspicuously contradicted the increasingly antisemitic line then emanating from Moscow.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GqDCR2VKaN4

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ana_Pauker

http://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/pauker-anna

• Reference: Geneanet Genealogy - SmartCopy: Sep 1 2017, 12:06:00 UTC

Ana Pauker, née Hannah Rabinsohn le 13 février 1893 à Codăești (Moldavie) et décédée le 14 juin 1960 à Bucarest, est une femme politique communiste roumaine. Elle tient un rôle de premier plan dans les premières années du régime communiste roumain.

Biographie

Enfance, études et premiers engagements politiques

Hannah Rabinsohn naît en Moldavie, dans une famille de rabbins. Elle rejoint en 1915, alors qu'elle est étudiante, le Parti social-démocrate roumain. Après 1917, lorsque celui-ci se scinde (comme partout ailleurs en Europe) entre sociaux-démocrates et maximalistes pro-bolchéviques, elle rejoint ces derniers et contribue à la fondation du Parti communiste roumain avant d'être élue en 1922 au Comité central de ce parti.

Elle épouse Marcel Pauker ; ils ont ensemble trois enfants : Tanio (1921-1922), Vlad (né en 1925) et Tatiana (née en 1928). Avec Eugen Fried, elle a eu une fille nommée Mașa ou Marie née en 1932, élevée en France par Aurore Membœuf, la première femme de Maurice Thorez de 1933 à 1945.

Militantisme communiste

Après une première arrestation en 1925 (son avocate, française, est la tante d'Alain Bombard, elle-même militante socialiste et féministe), Ana Pauker rejoint Moscou une fois libérée. En 1931, elle participe, sous la direction d'Eugen Fried, au « Collectif de direction » mis en place par l'Internationale communiste pour épauler la direction du Parti communiste français.

En 1938, parmi les brigades internationales durant la guerre d'Espagne, un groupe franco-belge de la 35e division, commandé par le français Gaston Carré et le roumain Valter Roman (pas encore père du futur premier ministre roumain Petre Roman) porte le nom d’Anna Pauker ; la même année son mari Marcel Pauker, également militant communiste qui se trouvait alors en URSS, est arrêté, torturé et exécuté à l'occasion des « Grandes Purges » staliniennes. Selon sa biographie officielle, en 1945, cet événement ne détourne pas Ana Pauker « de ses ferventes convictions communistes et de son attachement au camarade Staline et à l'Union soviétique ».

La Seconde Guerre mondiale et l'après-guerre

De retour en Roumanie, où elle mène une activité clandestine, elle est de nouveau arrêtée, puis libérée en 1940, à la suite d'un échange de prisonniers entre l'Union soviétique et le Royaume de Roumanie. En septembre 1944, elle devient membre du Secrétariat du Comité central du Parti communiste roumain.

Ministre des Affaires étrangères et vice-Premier ministre

Elle représente le PC roumain lors de la conférence de fondation du Kominform, puis devient ministre des Affaires étrangères en septembre 1947, et plus tard vice-Premier ministre. Durant cette période, une répression « qui se doit d'être impitoyable » (selon ses propres termes) s'abat sur la société roumaine, et notamment sur les intellectuels, et de façon générale sur tout « ennemi de classe », en particulier toute personne en lien avec les structures historiques de la société traditionnelle roumaine ; en Roumanie, le souvenir d'Ana Pauker, véritable criminelle politique, reste lié à cette époque. En 1948, elle fait la une du Time magazine avec comme titre : « La femme la plus puissante d'aujourd'hui » (The most powerful woman alive).

Renvoi et arrestation

En 1952, dans un contexte d'antisémitisme au sein des mouvements communistes, elle est démise de ses fonctions dans le parti et au gouvernement pour « cosmopolitisme » (euphémisme qui désigne alors souvent les victimes juives des purges) et « déviation de droite » à la suite d'une lutte d'influence perdue face au premier secrétaire Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, soutenu par Joseph Staline, alors que de nouvelles épurations sont organisées contre des anciens dirigeants communistes et qu'une campagne contre des intellectuels juifs est lancée (notamment l'affaire du complot des blouses blanches).

Elle est arrêtée en février 1953, puis libérée après la mort de Staline et placée pendant plusieurs années en résidence surveillée. Exclue du parti des ouvriers, elle est autorisée à travailler comme traductrice d'allemand et de français à la Maison d'éditions politiques.

Elle décède des suites d'un cancer, le 3 juin 1960, à Bucarest. L'un des fondateurs du Parti communiste roumain, le vétéran Gheorghe Cristescu, assiste à la cérémonie, lors de son incinération.

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Source Maitron

אנה פאוקר

' (ברומנית: Ana Pauker; ‏13 בדצמבר 1893 – 3 ביוני 1960) הייתה מורה, עורכת עיתונים, מתרגמת, פוליטיקאית רומנייה יהודייה, מנהיגת קבוצת מוסקבה במסגרת הנהגת המפלגה הקומוניסטית הרומנית, שרת החוץ של רומניה (1952-1948) וסגנית ראש הממשלה של הרפובליקה העממית הרומנית. היא פעלה ברומניה במחתרת, נורתה וישבה בבתי כלא ולאחר שהוחלפה עם עסקן רומני, שהיה בידי ברית המועצות, פעלה בארגון הקומוניסטים הרומנים שם ולאחר פרוץ מלחמת העולם השנייה ונפילתם בשבי הסובייטי של חיילים רומנים רבים, גייסה מביניהם מתנדבים להקמת דיוויזיות רומניות שלחמו נגד גרמניה הנאצית ובנות בריתה. לאחר כניסת הצבא האדום לרומניה והפיכת 23 באוגוסט 1944 נשלחה לרומניה במטוס, כדי לקחת חלק בארגון וניהול הממשל החדש. בשלהי שלטון סטלין הודחה ממעמדה, אך מות העריץ הביא לשחרורה מהכלא ולאחר מותה ממחלה קשה טוהר שמה מההאשמות, שהועלו נגדה.

תוכן עניינים 1 קורות חיים 1.1 תחילת דרכה 1.2 פעילות קומוניסטית מחתרתית 1.3 הפציעה והמשפט 1.4 גדוד אנה פאוקר ודיוויזיית טודור ולדימירסקו 1.5 שרת החוץ 1.6 הפיוס בין הלגיונרים ובין הקומוניסטים 1.7 סוף ימיה 2 יחסה ליהודים ולציונות 3 הבן המאומץ 4 הרהביליטציה 5 הכינויים 6 לקריאה נוספת 7 קישורים חיצוניים 8 הערות שוליים קורות חיים תחילת דרכה אנה פאוקר נולדה בשם חנה רבינזון (Hana Rabinsohn) למשפחה יהודית אורתודוקסית ענייה, מרובת ילדים, מרביתם בנים ושתי בנות, כולל אנה. אביה, הירש רבינזון, היה שוחט. אמה של אנה, סורה (שרה) רבינזון, זבנית, שהתגוררה עם משפחתה בבוקרשט, שבה לבית הוריה, ביישוב קודְאֶשְטִ (Codăeşti) במחוז וסלוי, כדי ללדת שם את בתה ולאחר מכן חזרה עם התינוקת לביתה בבוקרשט. בצעירותה למדה אנה רבינזון עברית בחדר, בת יחידה בין הבנים. בהמשך למדה בבית ספר יסודי "אחוות ציון" בשנים 1901 – 1905 ובבית ספר מקצועי על שם רשלה ופיליפ פוקשנאנו במגמת חייטות. היא קיוותה ללמוד לבגרות בשווייץ ולהמשיך שם בלימודי רפואה, אך זה לא יצא לפועל והיא חזרה כעבור שנה ועבדה כמורה לעברית בבית הספר היהודי בו למדה בעצמה בעבר, בבוקרשט בשנים 1915 – 1917. בהמשך התפרנסה גם ממתן שיעורי עזר בעברית ומעבודות חייטות. מ-1918 עד ספטמבר 1919 הייתה ספרנית במערכת העיתון דימיניאצה (הבוקר), עיתון בבעלות משפחת פאוקר והשתתפה בעריכת כתב העת Trăiască socialismul. מספטמבר 1919 למדה שנה רפואה בשווייץ.

אחיה הקטן, זלמן, פנה לתנועה הציונית. משנת 1915 נטתה אנה לסוציאליזם בהשפעת חבר נעוריה, היינריך שטרנברג, שלימד יחד איתה באותו בית ספר[1], מי שהנהיג את התנועה הקומוניסטית המחתרתית ברומניה לאחר מעצרו של אלקו קונסטנטינסקו. גם האחות בלה (Bella) פנתה למפלגה הקומוניסטית ונישאה לאאוג'ן יעקובוביץ', מי שהנהיג את התנועה הקומוניסטית ברומניה מ-1934. שתי האחיות פתחו בדרך הניצחון (Calea Victoriei) בית עסק קטן לחייטות שפעל בשנים 1925 – 1926[2].

באחת משהיותיה בפריז, הכירה את הפעיל הקומוניסטי הרומני-יהודי מרצ'ל (פויו) פאוקר. השניים התחתנו בפריז ב-1 ביולי 1921. בעידודו של בעלה הצטרפה לתנועה הקומוניסטית והשניים היו בין החברים המייסדים של המפלגה הקומוניסטית הרומנית. בשנת 1921 נולדה הבת טניה, שנפטרה כעבור שבעה חודשים מדיזנטריה. אנה פאוקר התמנתה לתפקיד המזכירה הכללית של הוועדה המרכזת של המפלגה הקומוניסטית הרומנית, תפקיד שהבטיח לה מקום בוועד המרכזי של המפלגה הקומוניסטית.

פעילות קומוניסטית מחתרתית בשל פעילותה הפוליטית נעצרה פאוקר ברומניה בשנת 1922, יחד עם בעלה. לאחר ששוחררו יצאו לגלות בשווייץ ומשם לצרפת. בגלל פעילותה במסגרת המפלגה נעצרה מספר פעמים על ידי השלטונות. בדצמבר 1924 נעצרה והועמדה לדין. ביולי 1925 נידונה ל-10 שנות מאסר, אולם בפברואר 1926 הצליחה להמלט לברית המועצות. באותה שנה נולד הבן ולאד (Vlad) וב-1928 נולדה הבת טטיאנה. בשנת 1928 עברה פאוקר, יחד עם בעלה, למוסקבה, שם עברה את הקורסים של בית הספר הבינלאומי למרקסיזם-לניניזם. בשנה זו נפרדו בני הזוג פאוקר. לפי החלטת המפלגה הקומוניסטית הסובייטית, ולאד וטטיאנה הושארו בברית המועצות וגדלו שם בבתי ילדים של המפלגה.

בשנת 1930 מונתה אנה לתפקיד מדריכה של הקומינטרן ונשלחה לפריז בשם "מריה". ב-1932 נולדה לפאוקר ולקומוניסט היהודי-סלובקי אאוג'ן פריד (Eugen Fried), שהפעיל מאחורי הקלעים את המפלגה הקומוניסטית הצרפתית, הבת מריה. עקב שליחויותיה של פאוקר גודלה מריה בצרפת בבתיהן של קומוניסטיות אחרות, בעיקר על ידי אורור, אשתו הראשונה של מוריס תורז, מנהיג המפלגה הקומוניסטית הצרפתית. פאוקר ראתה את בתה רק מקץ 13 שנה, ב-1945, כאשר מריה הובאה בניגוד לרצונה לבוקרשט ונאסר עליה לקיים כל קשר עם אורור שגידלה אותה. אאוג'ן פריד, אבי הילדה, נרצח בבריסל בשנת 1943[3].

הפציעה והמשפט Postscript-viewer-shaded.png ערך מורחב – משפט קראיובה (1936) בשנת 1934 נשלחה פאוקר לרומניה, להגברת הפעילות הקומוניסטית שם. היא נעצרה בליל ה-12 ביולי 1935 על ידי שלטונות רומניה יחד עם פעילים קומוניסטים נוספים. בעקבות ידיעה שקיבלה סיגורנצה, עקבו סוכניה אחר בית בבוקרשט, שנחשד כמקום מפגש והתייעצות של פעילים קומוניסטים. ב-12 ביולי 1935, בסביבות השעה 23.00, סוכני סיגורנצה עצרו שלושה אנשים שיצאו מתוך הבית, אנה פאוקר, דימיטר גנב ושמיל מרקוביץ', שלושתם חברי מזכירות המפלגה הקומוניסטית הרומנית המחתרתית. במהלך המעצר ירו הסוכנים ופצעו את פאוקר ואת גנב. פאוקר, שנפצעה ברגליה מהירי, נשאה עליה תעודה מזויפת בשם "מריה גריגוראש" והסוכנים הופתעו מאוד בזיהויה, כי על פי שמועות, שהופצו בכוונה, פאוקר הורעלה ומתה. הכדור עבר דרך אחת מרגליה של פאוקר ונשאר תקוע ברגלה השנייה לכל חייה.

פאוקר נשפטה במשפט קראיובה ונידונה לעשרים שנות מאסר וקנס גבוה. בחודש יולי 1941, עקב לחצים ממוסקבה, שוחררה מבית הסוהר רמניקו סראט שבו הוחזקה לאחרונה יחד עם לובה קישינבסקי ועברה לגור במוסקבה (שחרורה היה בתמורה לשחרור הפעיל המולדובני הרומני יון קודריאנו, שנעצר על ידי הסובייטים עם סיפוח בסרביה לברית המועצות).

מרצ'ל פאוקר, בעלה, לא שרד את הטיהורים הסטליניסטים שנעשו בברית המועצות בסוף שנות ה-30, נשפט והוצא שם להורג כ"סוכן המערב". עובדה זו לא ערערה באנה פאוקר את האמונה בצדקת הקומוניזם, ולא את נאמנותה לסטלין ולברית המועצות (למעשה, נודע לה באופן רשמי על הוצאת בעלה להורג רק בשנת 1959).

במהלך מלחמת העולם השנייה עסקה בארגון מתנדבים למלחמה בנאצים מבין השבויים הרומנים בברית המועצות והייתה לראש קבוצת הקומוניסטים הרומנים בברית המועצות, קבוצה שכונתה "קבוצת מוסקבה". היא גם שידרה לאזרחי רומניה ברדיו הסובייטי בשפה הרומנית, שם שיתפה פעולה עם ואסילה לוקה.

גדוד אנה פאוקר ודיוויזיית טודור ולדימירסקו אנה פאוקר התפרסמה בעולם, בעיקר בקרב אוהדי המפלגה הקומוניסטית, לכן במלחמת האזרחים בספרד נקרא גדוד רפובליקאי, ששפעל במסגרת הבריגדות הבינלאומיות וכלל שתי סוללות תותחנים והיו בו לוחמים צרפתים, בלגים ורומנים, על שם אנה פאוקר[4].

במהלך מלחמת העולם השנייה, בתקופה בה שהתה אנה פאוקר בברית המועצות, היא עמדה בראשי המגייסים הקומוניסטים, שפעלו לגייס מתנדבים מבין השבויים הרומנים, ליצירת דיוויזיית מתנדבים 1, טודור ולדימירסקו, דיוויזיה רומנית שלחמה לצד ברית המועצות[5].

שרת החוץ

גאורגה גאורגיו-דז' (הקיצוני משמאל) ולידו אנה פאוקר במחצית השנייה של 1944 שבה לרומניה, בעקבות הצבא האדום, ולקחה חלק פעיל בארגון ממשלת הקואליציה בעלת רוב של קומוניסטים ומקורבים למפלגה הקומוניסטית, בהנהגת ד"ר פטרו גרוזה. פאוקר לא כיהנה כשרה בממשלה, אולם נחשבה לבעלת כח רב ביותר וכבעלת קשרים במוסקבה יותר מכל השרים. באפריל 1945 היא הוגדרה כ"עיניה ואזניה של מוסקבה בבוקרשט"[6]. בנובמבר 1947 מונתה לשרת החוץ של רומניה[7]. הייתה לאישה הראשונה בעולם שמילאה תפקיד ממשלתי כזה.

במסגרת תפקידה כשרת החוץ של רומניה, שלחה, ב-11 ביוני 1948, מברק לשר החוץ של ישראל, משה שרת ובו הכרה רשמית של רומניה במדינת ישראל. באותה שנה מונתה לתפקיד אחד מממלאי מקום ראש הממשלה. ב-20 בספטמבר 1948 השבועון האמריקאי "טיים" יצא עם גיליון שעל עטיפתו דיוקנה של פאוקר[8] והגדיר אותה כ"אישה החיה החזקה בעולם". קשיחותה ואף אכזריותה בתפקידיה הרשמיים הקנו לה את הכינוי "סטלין בחצאית".

ב-15 באפריל 1949 התמנתה פאוקר לתפקיד סגן ראש ממשלת רומניה, בנוסף להיותה שרת החוץ של רומניה[9].

פאוקר הייתה שותפה פעילה בהפיכתה של רומניה לגרורה סובייטית, לצינון הקשרים עם מדינות המערב ולהשלטת הקומוניזם במדינה בדרכי אלימות וטרור כנגד גורמים שונים. בין השאר חתמה על הסכם סודי בו העבירה רומניה את הריבונות באי הנחשים שבים השחור לידי ברית המועצות. כמו כן, חזרה בה רומניה באופן חד-צדדי מן הקונקורדט שנחתם עם הותיקן ב-1927, שהבטיח לקתולים ברומניה חופש פולחן. פאוקר המשיכה להחזיק בקשרים חזקים וחשובים עם המפלגה הקומוניסטית בברית המועצות שם כונתה "החברה אנה" ובין תומכיה נמנה גם מולוטוב. כל זה לא מנע ממנה לצאת גם נגד הקו הסטליניסטי הרשמי. היא הייתה בין המתנגדים להלאמת החקלאות ברומניה בנוסח הקולחוזים הסובייטיים. היא מנעה את המבצע המתוכנן של מעצרם ואולי גם של הוצאתם להורג של ה"כיאבורים" (איכרים בעלי אדמות פרטיות), של "תומכי טיטו" ושל מתנגדי משטר שונים.

הפיוס בין הלגיונרים ובין הקומוניסטים בסוף 1945, ביוזמתם של אנה פאוקר ותאוהרי ג'אורג'סקו, נוהלו מגעים בין המפלגה הקומוניסטית הרומנית ובין נציג של התנועה הלגיונרית, סיעתו של הוריה סימה וסוכמו שחרורם של לגיונרים ממחנות ריכוז והפסקת רדיפתם של אלה שירדו למחתרת בתמורה להסגרה מרצון ומסירת כלי נשק[10].

הסכם זה שימש מאוחר יותר להאשמות בסטייה ימינה של פאוקר וג'אורג'סקו והדחתם מתפקידיהם.

סוף ימיה אנה פאוקר חלתה בסרטן השד ונותחה ב-1950. ב-1952, לאחר הדחת פאוקר מתפקידיה, דנו במפלגה הקומוניסטית הרומנית על אפשרות העמדתה לדין והדעות היו חלוקות. בפגישת פסגה במוסקבה, בין גאורגה גאורגיו-דז' ובין יוסיף סטלין ועוזריהם, לעג סטלין, לאחר שתיית כוסות וודקה, לגאורגיו דז', על כך שהוא מהסס לחסל את פאוקר וקבוצת תומכיה וכשגאורגיו-דז' נראה עדיין מהוסס, ביאר לו: "לתקוע לה כדור בראש"[11]. מירון קונסטנטינסקו, שהיה במקום, העיר שגאורגיו-דז' מאוד סנטימנטלי. גאורגה אפוסטול כתב בזכרונותיו, שגאורגיו-דז' כעס על קונסטנטינסקו ואמר לו לאחר מכן: "מירואנה (צורת דיבור פמיליארית למירון), כשנגיע לבוקרשט נכנס את הלשכה הפוליטית, נציג את מה שהתרחש ונחליט על חיסולה של אנה פאוקר. נציע ללשכה הפוליטית שהאיש שיירה בה תהיה אתה, שמעת מירואנה?" אפוסטול הוסיף שכל הדרך ממוסקבה לבוקרשט מירר קונסטנטינסקו בבכי[12].

באחד הטיהורים, הודחה על ידי גאורגיו דז', המזכיר הראשי ומי שהיה ראש קבוצת בית הסוהר במפלגה, מכל תפקידיה, הואשמה בקוסמופוליטיות, ב"סטייה ימנית" וב"פעילות נגד המפלגה" והועמדה בפני חקירות במטרה להעמידה לדין. סימיון בוגיץ' מונה כשר חוץ תחתיה. בפברואר 1953 נעצרה, אך חודש וחצי לאחר מות סטלין, באפריל 1953, לאחר התערבותו של ויאצ'סלב מולוטוב, שוחררה ונשלחה למעצר בית. גם מאוחר יותר הועלו שוב ושוב ביקורות נגד מה שכונה "הקבוצה האנטיפרטינית" ("שחתרה נגד המפלגה") "אנה פאוקר – וסילה לוקה", והיא נדרשה להכיר בטעויותיה, אך סירבה. בשנת 1954 בוטלה חברותה במפלגה הקומוניסטית.

בשנותיה האחרונות עבדה כמתרגמת מצרפתית ומגרמנית, אך מבלי ששמה יצוין בספרים שתרגמה.

ב-3 ביוני 1960 נפטרה מסרטן השד בבוקרשט. גופתה נשרפה. בטקס ההלוויה נכח אחד ממייסדיה הוותיקים של המפלגה הקומוניסטית ברומניה, גאורגה קריסטסקו-פלפומרו.

לפאוקר היה תפקיד אישי חשוב בטיפוחו וחינוכו של יון איליאסקו שהיה לימים נשיא רומניה.

אחרי משפט סלנסקי בצ'כיה ומשפט הרופאים בברית המועצות, מעצרה התלווה במערכה ומשפטים חדשים נגד הפעילים הציונים ברומניה.

יחסה ליהודים ולציונות בשנת 1945 נכתב עליה בהמשקיף: "אין הגב' פאוקר מתערבת כלל וכלל בחיים היהודיים, היות שהיא לא חושבת את עצמה כבת העם היהודי" ([13])

בעת מינויה לשרת החוץ, בנובמבר 1947 נכתב עליה בהצופה: "לאנא פאוקר אין שום קשר עם עמה ומעולם לא נתנה את ידה לעניין יהודי" ([14])

לזכותה נטען שבשנות הנהגתה, חרף היותה אנטי ציונית, כשאר מנהיגי המפלגה, שיתפה פעולה עם המהלך שאיפשר את העלייה ההמונית של כ-100,000 יהודים לישראל (ככל כנראה באישור מברית המועצות).

הבן המאומץ ב-1951 אימצה אנה פאוקר ילד בן חמש, אלכסנדרו (סנדו) פאוקר (Alexandru (Sandu) Pauker), שמצאה בבית יתומים בסיביו. הילד לא הכיר הורים אחרים וקיבל את שם משפחתה של אמו המאמצת. כשלאחר שנה נעצרה פאוקר, טיפלה בילד בתה, שהיו לה ילדים בגיל קרוב לגילו ולאחר שפאוקר שוחררה, שבה לטפל בבן המאומץ. לאחר מות האם העדיף אלכסנדר ללמוד בבית ספר מקצועי והמשיך לעבוד בו עד יציאתו לגמלאות[15].

הרהביליטציה לאחר עלייתו לשלטון של ניקולאה צ'אושסקו, זכתה פאוקר בשנת 1968 לטיהור פוליטי ואפרה הופקד במאוזולאום הלאומי בפארק קרול הראשון. בשנת 1991 פורק המאוזולאום ומשפחתה העבירה את אפרה לישראל[16].

הכינויים במהלך חייה ובמיוחד לאחר שהגיעה לעמדות שלטוניות ברומניה, זכתה אנה פאוקר לכינויים, שביטאו את השתקפותה בעיני הציבור הרחב.

הכינוי "סטלין בחצאית" הצביע על הקשר המיוחד שהיה לה עם יוסיף סטלין ועל עובדת היותה אישה. הכינוי "מושלת רומניה"[17] הצביע על עוצמת השפעתה בתקופה מסוימת. אילאנה מרומניה תיארה אותה כנחש בריח, שזה עתה אכל, לכן אינו עומד לתקוף מיד[18]. "לה פסיונרייה של הבלקנים" (Pasioneria Balcanilor)[19] לקריאה נוספת אלכסנדר קורנסקו-קורן, "אנה פאוקר והעלאת יהודי רומניה לישראל בימי כהונתה כשרת-החוץ של רומניה", הקונגרס העולמי למדעי היהדות 12, ה (תשסא), עמ' 121–126 Geoffrey Wigoder – Evrei in lume -dicţionar biografic, Editura -ediţia română – coordonator: Viviane Prager Editura Hasefer, Bucureşti, 2001 Robert Levy – Ana Pauker, The rise and fall of a jewish communist – 2001

(באנגלית) ולדימיר טיסמניאנו, Stalinism pentru eternitate, היסטוריה פוליטית של הקומוניזם הרומני, הוצאת Humanitas, בוקרשט, 2014. קישורים חיצוניים ויקישיתוף מדיה וקבצים בנושא אנה פאוקר בוויקישיתוף רוברט לוי, אנה פאוקר , באנציקלופדיה לנשים יהודיות (באנגלית) ליום הולדתה של אנה פאוקר , קול העם - Kol Haam, 13 בדצמבר 1950 ISTORIA COMUNISMULUI – Destainuirile fiicei ilegalistei Ana Pauker

(ברומנית) Consiliul național pentru studierea arhivelor securității, עמודים 453 – 454

(ברומנית) https://he.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D7%90%D7%A0%D7%94_%D7%A4%D7%90%D7%95...

-----------------------------------------
Ana Pauker (born Hannah Rabinsohn; December 13, 1893 – June 3, 1960) was a Romanian communist leader and served as the country's foreign minister in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Ana Pauker became the world's first female foreign minister when entering office in December 1947. She was also the unofficial leader of the Romanian Communist Party right after World War II.

Biography Early life and political career Pauker was born into a poor, religious Orthodox Jewish family in Codăești, Vaslui County (the region of Moldavia), the daughter of Sarah and (Tsvi-)Hersh Kaufman Rabinsohn. Her father was a ritual slaughterer and synagogue functionary, her mother a small-time food seller. They had four surviving children; an additional two died in infancy. As a young woman, she became a teacher in a Jewish elementary school in Bucharest. While her younger brother was a Zionist and remained religious, she opted for Socialism, joining the Social Democratic Party of Romania in 1915 and then its successor, the Socialist Party of Romania, in 1918. She was active in the pro-Bolshevik faction of the group, the one that took control after the Party's Congress of May 8–12, 1921 and joined the Comintern under the name of Socialist-Communist Party (future Communist Party of Romania). She and her husband, Marcel Pauker, became leading members. They were both arrested in 1923 and 1924 for their political activities and went into exile in Berlin, Paris, and Vienna in 1926 and 1927. In 1928, Ana Pauker moved to Moscow to enter the Comintern's International Lenin School, which trained the top functionaries of the Communist movement. There, she became closely associated with Dmitry Manuilsky, the Kremlin's foremost representative at the Comintern in the 1930s.[1]

Communist leadership position Ana Pauker went to France where she became an instructor for the Comintern and was also involved in the communist movement elsewhere in the Balkans. She returned to Romania and was arrested in 1935, was put on trial together with other leading communists such as Alexandru Moghioroș and Alexandru Drăghici, and was sentenced to ten years in prison. In May 1941, the Romanian government sent her into exile to the Soviet Union in exchange for Ion Codreanu, a former member of Sfatul Țării (the parliament of Bessarabia that voted for union with Romania on 27 March 1918), who was detained by the Soviets after the occupation of Bessarabia in 1940. In the meantime, her husband had fallen victim to the Soviet Great Purge in 1938. Rumors abounded that she herself had denounced him as a Trotskyist traitor; Comintern archival documents reveal, however, that she repeatedly refused to do so.[2]

In Moscow, she became the leader of the Romanian Communist Party exiles who would later become known as the "Muscovite faction". She returned to Romania in 1944 when the Red Army entered the country, becoming a member of the post-war government, which came to be dominated by the communists. In November 1947, the non-communist foreign minister Gheorghe Tătărescu was ousted and replaced by Pauker, making her the first woman in the modern world to hold such a post.[3]

But it was her position in the Communist Party leadership that was paramount. As a member of the four-person Secretariat of the Central Committee and formally second in the leadership, Pauker was widely believed to be the actual leader of the Romanian communists in all but name during the immediate post-war period. In 1948 Time magazine featured her portrait on its cover and described her as "the most powerful woman alive".[4] Infamous as the "Iron Lady" of Romanian Communist politics, she was universally seen as unreservedly Stalinist and as Moscow's primary agent in Romania.

Unquestionably, Ana Pauker played a pivotal role in the imposition of communism on Romania. At the same time, she emerged as a force for moderation within the Romanian communist leadership during the early postwar period. Pauker was certainly complicit in the extensive purges and arrests in 1945 of tens of thousands of Romanians who were linked to the Ion Antonescu regime. But by August 1945 Pauker and interior minister Teohari Georgescu released all but two to three thousand of those arrested, and they offered amnesty to any member of the fascist Iron Guard who had not committed serious crimes and who would turn in his weapons.[5] In late 1944 or early 1945, she pushed for creating a more broad-based coalition with the National Peasants' Party and the National Liberal Party, but was overruled by Joseph Stalin; hence, the Communist-led government created in March 1945 comprised a more restrictive coalition with a faction of the National Liberals led by Gheorghe Tătărescu.[6]

During this same period, Pauker also pursued what she later described as "a type of Social Democratic policy" of mass recruitment of as many as 500,000 new Communist Party members without verification, including former members of the Iron Guard.[7] This policy would later be the subject of an attack on Pauker during her purge,[8] and it was quickly overturned. Many of those who entered the party during Pauker's mass recruitment campaign would be purged between 1948 and 1950, and mass arrests would return with a vengeance in 1947 (including members of the National Peasants' Party and the National Liberal Party, as well as the amnestied members of the Iron Guard).[9] Although she acceded to Soviet orders to arrest the leaders of the non-communist opposition,[10] Pauker reportedly opposed the arrests of prominent National Peasants' Party officials Corneliu Coposu and Ghiță Pop[11] and appealed to the presiding judge of the trial of National Peasants' Party leader Iuliu Maniu for leniency in his sentencing.[12]

Reviewing her record during the early postwar years, the historian Norman Naimark observed that Pauker's "policies in the period 1945-1948 are remarkably similar to those of the Polish leader Władysław Gomułka. She encouraged coalitions with the 'historical' parties, urged compromises with 'bourgeois' politicians, and sought to deflect the persecution of social democrats and liberals." [13]

These contradictions would intensify as the regime became more Stalinist under Cold War pressures from 1947 on. Ana Pauker was a steeled and tested Stalinist who was "fanatically loyal to Stalin and the Soviet Union", who once admitted that "[i]f a Soviet official told me something, it was the gospel for me... If they had told me that the USSR needed it, I would have done it... [I]f they had told me to throw myself into the fire, I would have done it".[14] Nevertheless, Pauker paradoxically promoted a number of policies counter to those of the Kremlin during the Cominform period of "high Stalinism", when the Soviet Union imposed a single, hegemonic line on all its satellites. In 1948 she opposed the verification and purge of the large numbers who had entered the Communist Party during the mass recruitment campaign, even though the Cominform had ordered such a verification in every Bloc country.[15] In 1949 she opposed the construction of the Danube-Black Sea Canal, even though, according to her own testimony, Stalin had personally proposed the project.[16] In 1949-52 she opposed the purging of the Romanian veterans of the Spanish Civil War and French Resistance as part of Moscow's bloc-wide campaign against Josip Broz Tito or, at the very least, took no part in their repression, as they were not purged en masse in Romania until a few months after Pauker's downfall.[17] And she was reported by colleagues and associates to have resisted Stalin's plans to have Justice Minister Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu put on trial, and was accused by the Securitate's chief Soviet adviser of having "sabotaged and postponed investigations" in the Pătrășcanu case.[18] (This remains a subject of debate among historians,[19] for there is a dearth of evidence in the Romanian archives on Pauker's position on Pătrășcanu because all transcripts of Politburo discussions on the Pătrășcanu inquiry were summarily destroyed on the orders of General Secretary Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej.[20])

In addition, Pauker supported, and helped facilitate, the emigration of roughly 100,000 Jews to Israel from the spring of 1950 to the spring of 1952, when all other Soviet satellites had shut their gates to Jewish emigration in line with Stalin's escalating "anti-Zionist" campaign.[21] And she firmly opposed forced collectivization that was carried out on Moscow's orders in the summer of 1950 while she was in a Kremlin hospital undergoing treatment for breast cancer. Angrily condemning such coercion as "absolutely opposed to the line of our party and absolutely opposed to any serious Communist thought",[22] she allowed peasants forced into collective farms to return to private farming and effectively halted additional collectivization throughout 1951.[23] This, as well as her support beginning in 1947 for higher prices for agricultural products in defiance of her Soviet "advisers",[24] along with her favoring the integration of kulaks into the emerging socialist order,[25] led Stalin to charge that Pauker had fatefully deviated into "peasantist, non-Marxist policies".[26]

Pauker's "Moscow faction" (so called because many of its members, like Pauker, had spent years in exile in Moscow) was opposed by the "prison faction" (most of whom had spent the Fascist period in Romanian prisons, particularly Doftana Prison). Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, the de facto leader of the prison faction, had supported intensified agricultural collectivization,[27] pushed for Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu's trial and execution,[28] and was a rigid Stalinist; however, he resented some strains of Soviet influence (which would become clear at the time of de-Stalinization when, as leader of Communist Romania, he was a determined opponent of Nikita Khrushchev).[29]

Downfall and Scapegoating Gheorghiu-Dej profited from the mounting anti-Semitism in Soviet policy and actively lobbied Joseph Stalin to take action against the Pauker faction. Gheorghiu-Dej traveled to Moscow in August 1951 to seek Stalin's approval for purging Pauker and her allies in the Secretariat (Vasile Luca and Teohari Georgescu).[30] But archival evidence has led Vladimir Tismaneanu to conclude that "Ana Pauker's downfall did not occur merely, or even primarily, because of Gheorghiu-Dej's skillful maneuvering—as some Romanian novels published in the 1980s would have us believe—but foremost because of Stalin's decision to initiate a major political purge in Romania."[31] Pauker, Luca, and Georgescu were purged in May 1952, consolidating Gheorghiu-Dej's own grip over country and Party.

The charges against Ana Pauker increasingly focused on her positions on Zionism and Israel. She was accused of supporting "the subversive and espionage activities of the Israeli Legation and of the Zionists in the country," of making secret commitments to Israeli diplomats, of displaying a "nationalist attitude on the emigration of Jews to Israel," and of divulging secrets to "the enemy" (the United States) through its principal agent, "international Zionism." [32]

Pauker was arrested on February 18, 1953 and subjected to prolonged interrogations in preparation for a show trial, as had occurred with Rudolf Slánský and others in the Prague Trials. After Stalin's death in March 1953 she was freed from jail and put under house arrest instead-- the result of the direct intervention of Vyacheslav Molotov, who reportedly acted on the insistence of his wife Polina Zhemchuzhina, a friend of Pauker's and herself freed from prison soon after Stalin's death.[33]

Following the Twentieth Party Congress in Moscow there were fears that Khrushchev might force the Romanian Party to rehabilitate Pauker and possibly install her as Romania's new leader. Gheorghiu-Dej went on to accuse her, Vasile Luca, and Teohari Georgescu for their alleged Stalinist excesses in the late 1940s and early 1950. The period when all four were in power was marked by political persecution and the murder of opponents (such as the infamous brainwashing experiments conducted at Pitești prison in 1949-1952). Gheorghiu-Dej, who had as much to account for, used moments like these to ensure the survival of his policies in a post-Stalinist age.

Ana Pauker was recast by Romania's leaders in the official party history as having been a staunch ultra-orthodox Stalinist, even though she had opposed or had attempted to moderate a number of Stalinist policies while she was in a leadership position. As the historian Robert Levy concluded: "No other communist leader save Tito has been shown to have resisted the Soviet-imposed line as she did-- whether on collectivization, the fight against the kulaks and the urban bourgeoise, the prosecution of Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu, the purge of the Spanish Civil War and French Resistance veterans, the dimensions of the Five-Year Plan, the staging of a show trial of Romanian Zionists, or the facilitation of mass Jewish emigration".[34]

In 1956, she was summoned for questioning by a high-level party commission, which insisted that she acknowledge her guilt. Again, she claimed she was innocent and demanded that she be reinstated as a party member, without success.

During her forcible retirement, Pauker was allowed to work as a translator from French and German for the Editura Politică publishing house.

Death In the spring of 1959, Pauker was diagnosed with a terminal recurrence of cancer. She died on June 3, 1960 of cardiac arrest, after the cancer had spread to her heart and lungs.[35]

Legacy Ana Pauker's legacy in Romania today is still tainted by the attempt of communist party propagandists in the 1950s and 1960s to scapegoat her as the leader responsible for the crimes of the early communist period. For instance, she is often referred to in Romania as "Stalin with a skirt" (Stalin cu fustă).[36] Film director Radu Gabrea, who completed a feature-length documentary on Pauker in 2016, [37] suggests that this demonizing of Pauker is only possible because Pauker was a woman of Jewish origin, and that it reflects the widespread antisemitism in Romania. [38] Today, inside the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Pauker's portrait is the only one that has been removed from the photo gallery of former Ministers of Foreign Affairs.[citation needed]

As historian Robert Levy put it: "Long the party's propagandists' scapegoat as the source of all horrors of the Stalinist period, Ana Pauker continues to be vilified in post-communist Romania as the party leader most culpable for the post-war years' repression. But the truth is that this perpetually contradictory figure, though a Stalinist herself, and one who played a key role in imposing Communism on Romania, paradoxically presented an alternative to the rigid, harsh Stalinism that soon emblemized Romanian party life and left a hidden legacy as a persistent patron of Romania's peasantry within the communist hierarchy. The fall of Ana Pauker was a significant step in a process that precluded any reformist leadership from prevailing in Romania and fated its citizens to endure the extreme hardship that would culminate in the Ceaușescu regime.

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Universally regarded as the Soviets’ most trusted agent in Romania––“her fanatical subservience to Moscow,” one observer noted, “was not only undisputed, it was legendary”—Ana Pauker became synonymous with the terror and repression of her country’s Stalinist period. Archival discoveries, however, demonstrate that she was actually a force for moderation in the Romanian Politburo, often contradicting the Stalinist line set down by Moscow. Having opposed the Soviet “advisers” on exploiting the peasantry in September 1947 (the very month of the founding of the Cominform, which was to “coordinate”—that is, dictate—policy in the bloc), Pauker was appointed Agriculture Secretary at her insistence and personally oversaw collectivization after the Kremlin had imposed it in 1948. Resisting the Soviet “advisers” on setting a fixed and inflated number of collective farms, Pauker persistently claimed that collectivization could proceed only after the country had become sufficiently mechanized through industrialization, even though the Stalinist line suggested just the opposite: that collectivization was the means for acquiring as much capital from the peasantry as possible to finance industrialization. In June 1950, however, while Pauker was hospitalized in Moscow for breast cancer, Romania’s leaders—at the behest of the Soviets—waged a repressive campaign of forced collectivization and launched a wave of terror against “kulaks” throughout the countryside. When she returned to her duties at the end of 1950, Pauker halted collectivization in its tracks (refusing to establish even one new collective farm in 1951) and froze the anti-kulak campaign. Promoting as well a more liberal approach to the mandatory collections of peasant produce, Ana Pauker (to quote one colleague) emerged as “the patron of the peasantry” within the Romanian leadership—all quite to the chagrin of her Soviet masters.

Likewise, Pauker resisted Soviet pressure to stage an anti-Tito show trial in Romania, unlike her contemporaries in Hungary, Albania, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia. Hence she opposed the frame-up of the former Justice Minister, Lucretiu Patrascanu, and the Romanian veterans of the Spanish Civil War, as imperialist spies. It was only after her own downfall that Patrascanu was finally brought to trial and executed, and that the Spanish Civil War veterans were repressed en masse in Romania.

Further, Ana Pauker pursued an independent line fostering the mass emigration of Romanian Jews to Israel after the Soviets had turned against the Jewish state in late 1948. She also opposed prosecuting the leaders of the Romanian Zionist movement, who had begun to be arrested in July 1950. Despite the Kremlin’s escalating “anti-Zionist” campaign, no Zionist leaders were tried in Romania as long as Pauker remained in power; but once she was ousted, they were all prosecuted in a series of trials in 1953 and 1954.

A Jewish communist largely untainted by self-hatred, Ana Pauker rejected Marxism-Leninism’s class-based approach to the “Jewish Question” and argued in the Politburo that all Jews regardless of class were oppressed and had been victimized by antisemitism even of the working class. In so doing, she conspicuously contradicted the increasingly antisemitic line then emanating from Moscow.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GqDCR2VKaN4

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ana_Pauker

http://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/pauker-anna

• Reference: Geneanet Genealogy - SmartCopy: Sep 1 2017, 12:06:00 UTC

Ana Pauker, născută Hanna Rabinsohn, (n. 28 decembrie 1893, Codăești, Vaslui – d. 3 iunie 1960, București)[2] a fost o militantă și politiciană comunistă româncă, evreică de origine. Până în anul 2008 când Roberta Anastase a ocupat postul de Președinte al Camerei Deputaților,[3] ea a fost cunoscută ca cea care a ocupat cea mai înaltă funcție politică deținută de o femeie în istoria României: a fost prima femeie vicepremier și ministru de externe atât din istoria României cât și din lume și una dintre puținele femei din epoca stalinistă ajunsă în funcții înalte[4][5]. În septembrie 1948 fotografia ei a apărut pe coperta revistei "Time" cu eticheta „Cea mai puternică femeie în viață”[6] A fost o activistă comunistă „ilegalistă”, lideră a grupării „moscovite” a Partidului Comunist Român, vicepremier și ministru de externe al României între 1947-1952. În 1952 Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej a înlăturat-o de la putere și din partid, în același timp cu Vasile Luca și Teohari Georgescu, cei trei fiind acuzați că fac parte dintr-un „grup antipartinic”.

Biografia S-a născut la Codăești, Vaslui, la data de 28 decembrie 1893 (potrivit actului de naștere nr.66/30 decembrie 1893) într-o familie de evrei români. Bunicul ei a fost rabin, iar tatăl - haham. Pe tatăl său îl chema Herșcu Rabinsohn iar pe mamă Sara (Sura). La nașterea sa, tatăl avea 35 de ani iar mama 30. A studiat o vreme medicina la Geneva în 1918-1919, dar și-a întrerupt studiile. De tânără a învățat limba ebraică, pe care a predat-o la o școală primară evreiască din București. În timp ce fratele ei mai mic, Zalman, a devenit sionist, din 1915 ea s-a orientat spre socialism, fiind influențată în această direcție de colegul și iubitul ei din tinerețe, Heinrich Sternberg.

În timpul unei șederi în Franța l-a cunoscut pe activistul comunist Marcel Pauker, cu care s-a căsătorit. La încurajarea lui, a intrat, în anul 1920, în mișcarea comunistă. Este racolată în această perioadă ca agent sovietic. În anul 1922 a fost arestată, împreună cu Marcel Pauker, pentru activități politice ilegale și, după ce au fost eliberați, au plecat în exil, în Elveția. De acolo a plecat în Franța, unde a devenit instructoare a Cominternului și apoi s-a implicat în mișcarea comunistă din Balcani.

A fost arestată de mai multe ori pentru activitate politică interzisă, fiind membră a Partidului Comunist din România, în cadrul căruia ca activistă Comintern, milita și pentru desprinderea Basarabiei românești (Moldova Orientală) de România. În urma unui proces, a fost condamnată la 10 ani de închisoare, dar a reușit să fugă în 1926 în URSS, unde a rămas până în 1934, perioadă în care făcut studii politice la școlile Comintern.

După întoarcerea în România, a primit funcții de răspundere în partidul comunist. A fost arestată în 1935 și judecată la Craiova împreună cu alți conducători ai Partidului Comunist, între care Alexandru Moghioroș, Șmil Marcovici și Alexandru Drăghici, fiind condamnată la zece ani închisoare. În luna mai 1941 a fost lăsată să plece în Uniunea Sovietică, ca urmare a schimbului cu un politician român, deținut de autoritățile sovietice după ocuparea în 1940 a Basarabiei și a Bucovinei de Nord. Mai exact, era vorba de „Moș” Ion Codreanu fost membru al Sfatului Țării (Basarabiei), arestat de sovietici imediat după intrarea lor în Basarabia, la 28 iunie 1940. Între timp, în timpul unei șederi în Uniunea Sovietică, soțul ei, Marcel, fusese arestat și executat în 1938, ca „spion al Occidentului”, în cadrul epurărilor staliniste, fapt care nu a reușit totuși să zdruncine credința ei în cauza comunistă și loialitatea ei de agent al regimului sovietic.

La Moscova a devenit șefa grupului de comuniști români exilați, cunoscut, ulterior în cadrul PCdR, sub denumirea de "facțiunea moscovită".

În vârful puterii Ana Pauker s-a reîntors în România în 1944, îmbrăcată în uniforma sovietică, după ce Armata Roșie a intrat în țară. A fost aleasă secretar al Comitetului Central al Partidului Comunist Român și a jucat un rol important în organizarea guvernului de coaliție, intitulat "de largă concentrare democratică", de fapt, controlat de comuniști, prezidat de Petru Groza, în anii 1945-1947. În 1947 a fost numită ministru de externe și viceprim-ministru, fiind prima femeie din lume care a deținut această funcție guvernamentală. În această calitate, a semnat, între altele, actul prin care România ceda Uniunii Sovietice Insula Șerpilor.[7] Ca lideră a PCR și a regimului dictatorial comunist, deosebit de nepopular și de represiv, și-a câștigat o reputație negativă.

"Raportul Vladimir Tismăneanu" (pagina 56), menționează că la sfârșitul anilor 40 circula, în România, sloganul "Ana, Luca, Teo, Dej - bagă spaima în burgheji", iar succesiunea numelor, în afara nevoii de rimă, ar fi indicat ordinea după importanța pe care o aveau respectivii conducători în partid, aceștia fiind: Ana Pauker, Vasile Luca (László Luka), Teohari Georgescu și Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej.

Ana Pauker a participat activ la procesul de impunere în România a comunismului prin crimă și teroare. În plan extern România a devenit un stat satelit al Uniunii Sovietice și a rupt sau răcit relațiile diplomatice cu statele din vestul Europei. În anul 1948 România a denunțat unilateral Concordatul din 1927, primul pas care a deschis drumul spre persecuția Bisericii Catolice din România.

După documente de arhivă, biograful ei, Robert Levy afirmă că Pauker ar fi dovedit uneori și o oarecare moderație , de pildă, în legătură cu poziția rezervată a ei legată de ritmul prea alert al colectivizării agriculturii (R.Levy p.2001, 108-109) și de anchetarea "grupului" Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu.

Căderea

Dej, Ana Pauker, Vasile Luca, Valter Roman, Teohari Georgescu, Vasile Mârza la de-a 10-a sesiuni a Marii Adunări Naționale din 1951 În anul 1952, în cadrul unui val de epurări, inițiat de Gheorghiu-Dej și inspirat după modelul altor campanii și procese orchestrate în URSS și în toate țările aflate sub dominație sovietică, a fost acuzată de "cosmopolitism", de "deviere de dreapta" și de activități "antipartinice", de sabotarea colectivizării agriculturii și de legături cu legionarii, cu agenți străini, cu sioniști etc.[8] [9]În 1954 a fost exclusă din Partidul Muncitoresc Român (cum se numea atunci partidul comunist). În februarie 1953 a fost supusă unui șir de interogatorii în vederea unui proces politic, dar la numai o lună și jumătate după moartea lui Stalin, în luna aprilie 1953, a fost eliberată din închisoare și ținută mai mulți ani în arest la domiciliu.

În istoria evreilor, imaginea pe care a lăsat-o Ana Pauker este negativă [10],[11] , dar există în legătura cu ea o notă de ambivalență: ea a fost ostilă sionismului și autodeterminării evreilor, în spiritul ideologiei leniniste și staliniste, și a promovat o politică care a călcat în picioare drepturile fundamentale ale tuturor cetățenilor români. În anii 1948-1951 conducerea comunistă a României, cu acordul lui Stalin, a permis, în paralel cu reprimarea sioniștilor, o masivă emigrație de evrei în Israel. Când a fost înlăturată din conducere, una din acuzațiile ce i s-au adus lui Ana Pauker și lui Teohari Georgescu a fost că ei ar fi încurajat această emigrație [12]. De fapt, politica emigrației fusese decizia întregii conduceri comuniste.[13][14]

În ultimii ani de viață, i s-a permis să lucreze ca traducătoare din limba franceză și limba germană pentru Editura Politică. În octombrie 1959 a primit de la autoritățile sovietice post-staliniste înștiințarea oficială că soțul ei, Marcel, despre a cărui soartă exactă nu avea certe informații, nu a supraviețuit Gulagului și a fost, cum era de presupus, executat în URSS, la 16 august 1938.

Ana Pauker a murit, în urma unui cancer de sân, la București la 3 iunie 1960.

La incinerarea ei, la crematoriu, a fost de față și veteranul comunist Gheorghe Cristescu, unul din fondatorii Partidului Comunist din România.

A fost reabilitată după 1965, odată cu venirea la putere a lui Ceaușescu, iar urna cu cenușa ei a fost depusă la Monumentul eroilor luptei pentru libertatea poporului și a patriei, pentru socialism, cunoscut astăzi ca Mausoleul din Parcul Carol. În 1991, când mausoleul a fost dezafectat, cenușa Anei Pauker a fost preluată de către familie și transportată în Israel.

Marcel și Ana Pauker au avut trei copii: Tanio (1921-1922), Vlad (n. 1926 - d. 2016 ) și Tatiana (n. 1928 - d. 2011 ).Masha (al patrulea copil, cunoscut și ca Marie, născută în 1932 , avându-l ca tată pe Eugen Fried, un evreu ceh-francez din partidul comunist) locuiește în prezent în Franța.În Franța a locuit și fratele său, Vlad până la moartea lui,în august 2016 . [15]. Ana Pauker a mai avut și un fiu adoptiv, Alexandru (Sandu) Pauker[16].

Un frate al ei, Haim Rabinsohn, a fost un apreciat poet de limbă ebraică în Israel.

Un amănunt picant este modul cum numeroși activiști importanți ai Partidului Comunist Român își botezau odraslele. Astfel Chivu Stoica, Leontin Sălăjan și Teohari Georgescu și-au botezat fiicele cu numele de Ana în privința considerației pe care aceștia o purtau Anei Pauker, ei considerând părerile și opiniile ei ca fiind infailibile. În mod similar Emil Bodnăraș, Gheorghe Apostol, Iosif Chișinevschi, Ghizela Vass, Alexandru Sencovici și Vasile Vîlcu și-au botezat băieții cu numele de Gheorghe în semn de apreciere a lui Gheorghe Gheorghiu Dej. Nicolae Ceaușescu a fost o excepție deoarece și-a botezat copiii cu numele de Valentin, Zoe și Nicolae.[17]

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