Li Hung Chang 李鴻章

Li Hung-chang 李鴻章 (T. 子黻, 漸甫 H. 少荃, 儀叟), Feb. 15, 1823-1901, Nov. 7, statesman and diplomat, was a native of Ho-fei (Lu-chou), Anhwei. An ancestor eight generations before him was born into a family named Hsü 許 but changed his surname when he was adopted into the Li family. His father, Li Wên-an 李文安 (T. 式和 H. 五[%E6%84%9A]泉, original ming 文玕 1801-1855), was a chin-shih of 1838 and therefore a classmate (同年) of Tsêng Kuo-fan [q.v.]. After Li Hung-chang became a chü-jen (1844), he went to Peking where he studied intensively under the direction of Tsêng who became thereafter his patron and close friend. He became a chin-shih in 1847, was selected a bachelor in the Hanlin Academy and three years later was made a compiler.

When the Taiping rebels reached Anhwei in 1853 Li Hung-chang and his father returned to their native place to organize the militia to combat them. In the meantime Tsêng Kuo-fan recommended Li Hung-chang to Chiang Chung-yüan [q.v.], then governor of Anhwei. Under Chiang's direction, Li led his local recruits and won a battle at Yu-hsi k'ou in the department of Ho-chou, thus gaining the decorations of a sixth grade official. However, Chiang died with the capture of Lu-chou and Li's force was dispersed after serious reverses. Early in 1854 Li joined the staff of the new governor of Anhwei, Fu-chi 福濟 (T. 汝舟 H. 春瀛, 元修, d. 1875), and a year later, when Han-shan, Anhwei, was recovered, he won the rank of prefect. On July 6, 1855 his father, Li Wên-an, died, but the exigencies of war made it necessary for Li to remain in camp (unofficially) instead of retiring to observe the period of mourning. In the years 1855-57, the army of Fu-chi recaptured Ho-fei and was successful in other operations around Lake Ch'ao. As a member of the staff Li received due rewards. He was given the rank of a provincial judge (1856) and was registered as prepared for the office of an intendant (1857).

Discontented with Fu-chi's policies, Li left Anhwei in 1858 to join his patron, Tsêng Kuo-fan, who was then encamped at Nanchang. There he had a share in the recapture of Ching-tê-chên (May, 1858) and the rest of Kiangsi province. Tsêng was appointed governor-general of Kiangnan and Kiangsi in 1860, but Li, disagreeing with his policy of operating from Ch'i-mên as being too cautious, and on other matters as well, left his service early in 1861. After Tsêng Kuo-ch'üan [q.v.] captured Anking (September 5, 1861) Li sent Tsêng Kuo-fan a letter of congratulation and in return was invited to rejoin him.

When the Chung-wang (see under Li Hsiu-ch'êng) by spectacular victories revived the Taiping cause in 1860, the coastal provinces were thrown into panic and merchants and gentry begged for imperial aid to augment the help secured from foreign sources at Shanghai. But troops could not be spared until after the capture of Anking (1861). Then Li was persuaded to recruit a sufficient force in Anhwei and proceed to Shanghai as acting governor of Kiangsu. With his new army (henceforth known as Huai-chün 淮軍) and a detachment of Tsêng's veterans, he reached Shanghai by steamer in April 1862, prepared to co-operate with Tsêng Kuo-fan at Anking, with Tso Tsung-t'ang [q.v.], now viceroy of Fukien and Chekiang, and with Tsêng Kuo-ch'üan at Nanking—the aim being to drive on the Taipings from three directions and hem them in.

Li, at the early age of thirty-nine (sui), was thus placed at the head of a normally wealthy province, virtually all of which was in rebel hands. He found foreign forces defending Shanghai, and a foreign-trained and officered Chinese brigade, later known as the Ever Victorious Army, organized by Frederick Townsend Ward (see under Fêng Kuei-fên), helping the imperialists to drive the insurgents from near-by towns. Ward's brigade was subsidized by the provincial authorities through a merchant known by the firm name of "Takee" who acted as paymaster. The expense of these well-drilled troops and their arrogance made them unpopular, but they had ability to win victories, and Li made it clear that he would continue to employ them. Ward lost his life at Tzeki in September 1862, And after a short interval Henry Burgevine (see under Fêng Kuei-fên) was installed as commander. But Burgevine, despite his popularity with the men, soon incurred the hostility of Li by failing to go to Nanking when a severe crisis brought a request from Tsêng for aid. This antagonism grew when Burgevine later forcibly collected from "Takee" sums due his army. He was dismissed, and after some delay and negotiation Charles George ("Chinese") Gordon 戈登 (1833-1885), was released by the British Government to take his place. Gordon won renown by reorganizing the force and by co-operating effectively with Li. This force became the spearhead of Li's campaign, going forward side by side with the Hunan and Anhwei "Braves" in the capture of T'ai-ts'ang, K'un-shan, Chiang-yin, and then Soochow where a number of Taiping chiefs were forced to submit. When these chiefs were put to death on the suspicion that they planned treachery, Gordon was furious and threatened to attack Li (for details see under Ch'êng Hsüeh-ch'i).

Early in 1864 the government forces moved towards Ch'ang-chou in three divisions, in close co-operation with each other and with Tso Tsung-t'ang's Chekiang armies. With the capture of Ch'ang-chou the Ever Victorious Army had completed its task and was disbanded. Tsêng ordered Li to join forces with Tsêng Kuo-ch'üan at Nanking, but fearing that jealousies might be aroused if he shared with Tsêng the honor of Nanking (which fell on July 19, 1864), he refrained on the ground that his forces were needed elsewhere. For his part in crushing the Taiping Rebellion he was made a first class Earl with the designation Su-i (肅毅伯).

During the next year (1865), in co-operation with Tsêng, civil government was restored in Kiangsu and steps were taken toward the building of iron works (see under Ting Jih-ch'ang). In May 1865 Tsêng was ordered to take command in Shantung against the Nien bandits (see under Seng-ko-lin-ch'in), and Li was made acting governor-general at Nanking where he established an arsenal under the direction of Halliday Macartney (see under Kuo Sung-tao). But as Tsêng failed to win a swift victory over the bandits and was ordered back to Nanking (late in 1866), Li was made Imperial Commissioner to direct the campaign. Early in 1867 Li was made governor-general of Hunan and Hupeh but did not assume that office until the bandits were suppressed in 1868 (see under Liu Ming-ch'uan). For his exploits in this campaign Li was given the minor hereditary rank of Ch'i-tu-yü and the title of Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent and was made concurrently an Associate Grand Secretary. He also secured leave to visit Peking where he was received with great honor. The official account of the campaign against the Nien rebels, entitled Chiao-p'ing Nien-fei fang-lüeh (see under I-hsin) was completed in 1872 and published by the Tsung-li Yamen with a preface of the same date.

Li Hung-chang took over his duties as governor-general at Wuchang on March 1, 1869. But his routine as a civil official was broken when in July he was sent to investigate charges against the governor-general of Szechwan, Wu T'ang 吳棠 (T. 仲宣 H. 棣華, chü-jen of 1835, d. 1876), and to look into disorders arising from quarrels between Christians and the local populace in Yu-yang, Szechwan, and in Tsun-i, Kweichow—the last-named cases having been appealed by church authorities through the French minister at Peking. Li was negotiating with the Bishop when word came that the French minister, Rochechouart (see under Ch'ung-hou), was on his way up the Yangtze to investigate other cases in Hupeh, and Li hastened back to meet him at Wuchang. These negotiations were scarcely completed when Li was again ordered to Kweichow to investigate the failure of the provincial forces of Szechwan, Kweichow and Hunan to co-operate in their conflict with the Miao. But when about to assume this duty he was summoned north to cope with the Mohammedan uprising. Gathering his forces at Tung-kuan he reached Sian in July 1870. But in the meantime another crisis had arisen which caused him to be summoned to the coast-namely the Tientsin massacre of June 21, 1870 (see under Ch'ung-hou). Tsêng Kuo-fan had not reached a complete settlement of this issue and was ill; the French were bringing warships, and panic had seized the authorities in Peking. At first Li seemed inclined to fight, but grew more cautious as he approached Tientsin. His appointment to succeed Tsêng as governor-general reached him en route and Tsêng returned to Nanking after having virtually settled the case.

Hereafter routine administrative duties held Li Hung-chang in Chihli for a quarter of a century. During this period he served concurrently as Grand Secretary (1872-1901) and after 1879 held the honorary title of Grand Tutor of the Heir Apparent. As Superintendent of Trade for the North almost every question involving foreign relations, the adoption of Western techniques, or the dispatch of students abroad (see under Jung Hung) came to his attention. To carry out these multifarious duties he at first divided his time between Paotingfu and Tientsin, but later spent most of his time in the latter place.

Li's first experience as a diplomat came in 1871 when he was called upon to negotiate a treaty with Japan. China was unwilling to concede 'most favored nation' rights or to permit trade in the interior. The resulting treaty signed on July 29, 1871 between Li and Date Munenari 伊達宗城 (H. 藍山, 1818-1892) was highly unsatisfactory to Japan but she soon obtained a diplomatic victory which resulted in her first seizure of Chinese territory. China had declined in 1871 to assume responsibility for the murder by Formosan savages of a number of shipwrecked Loochoo Islanders, on the ground that the issue was a purely Chinese one. However, rather than go to war, for which the country was then unprepared, an indemnity was paid to Japan. Unfortunately, however, in the documents which were drawn up the Chinese government referred to the Loochoo Islanders as "people belonging to Japan" and from 1874 onward Japan seized upon this as a sufficient renunciation to organize the islands as a feudal dependency and in 1879 to incorporate them as a Japanese prefecture. When General Grant was in China on his world tour Li requested him to plead in Japan for reconsideration of the annexation issue, intimating that China in return would facilitate the proposed negotiations for limiting the emigration of Chinese to the United States. Grant was instrumental, as a private citizen, in securing a re-study of the case with the result that, early in 1880, Japan sent Takezoe Shinichiro 竹添進一郎 (T. 光鴻, 1842-1917) to negotiate with Li at Tientsin. Li at first agreed to Takezoe's proposal to divide the islands between China and Japan, as suggested by others; but several months later, when opposition in China grew stronger and when it became known that the islands to be ceded were barren, the agreement was allowed to lapse.

The settlement of the stormy issues that the British Minister raised in connection with the Margary case (see under Kuo Sung-tao and Ts'en Yü-ying) was finally entrusted to Li Hung-chang. As plenipotentiary he reached Chefoo in August 1876, and there he concluded the Chefoo Convention (September 13) which not only settled this case but provided for the opening ai new ports, for regulation of the trade between Burma and Yunnan, and for rules of procedure in the reception of foreign envoys.

During this time Korea was steadily slipping legally from the suzerainty of China and the status of that kingdom became problematical when China declined to assume responsibility in a dispute which arose between Korea and Japan in 1875. Since China's relationship was rather that of a patron than a protector she encouraged Japan to negotiate with Korea directly. Japan, therefore, made a treaty in 1876 as though dealing with an independent power. The question of Korea's relationship to China was temporarily deferred, but the ground was steadily being cut from under China's claim. This became apparent a few years later when the United States tried to open trade with Korea. Though Commodore Shufeldt availed himself of Li's aid in negotiating in 1882 a treaty of commerce, and although the terms were actually drawn up by the two men for the Korean envoys to sign, Li was unable to insert in it any recognition that Korea was a dependency of China. The best he could do was to secure consent for an accompanying letter from the King of Korea, recognizing this fact but adding that Korea was free in her internal and foreign relations. Li was only partly responsible for the blunders in diplomacy of this period; some were made without his consent in Peking, and he did the best he could to retrieve what others had lost.

More than most higher officials of his day, Li Hung-chang realized that the backwardness of China in the matter of arms placed her at the mercy of stronger powers and that the lack of swifter communications and modern machinery retarded her economic progress. Hence he became the patron of many new economic enterprises and technical innovations. In 1872 the conservatives complained at the excessive cost of steamers, but in a memorial Li made a spirited defense of his policies on the ground that foreign encroachment was imminent and that China must provide herself with some of the things that made Western nations strong. Hence he supported in 1872 the proposal of Jung Hung for a steamship line, recommending that a government-subsidized company be formed, operating at first with chartered vessels to carry tribute rice from the South. From this developed the China Merchant's Line whose ships ran not only between northern and southern ports, but also to Japan, the Philippines and Singapore. Incidentally, a large part of the company's stock was owned by Li, as was the case with most of the enterprises he sponsored. Unfortunately, an experimental railway built between Shanghai and Woosung in 1876 was discontinued in the following year. But in 1880 Li submitted a memorial vigorously urging resumption of railway building. He proposed four trunk lines: Peking to Ch'ing-chiang-p'u near Nanking on the Grand Canal), to Hankow, to Mukden, and to distant Kansu, all to be financed by properly safe-guarded loans. But much inertia had to be overcome before a line was authorized, namely, an eighty-one mile railway linking Tientsin with the T'ang-shan coal mines which Li had been instrumental in opening with modern machinery. Other railways were not constructed until years later (see under Chang Chih-tung).

Li Hung-chang likewise sponsored the first permanent telegraph lines in China. Sporadic attempts had been made since 1865 to construct short lines, among them one from Shanghai to Woosung, built under foreign auspices, and one from Tientsin to the Taku forts, built by Chinese. In 1880 Li recommended the construction of a line from Tientsin to Shanghai and this was completed on December 24, 1881. Three years later it was extended to Peking and from then on to the chief cities of the empire. Li sponsored a number of proposals for schools of a technical character to train Chinese to conduct these modern enterprises, including a weaving mill which was installed in Shanghai in 1882. But many of his proposals were not carried out, owing to the conservatism of the officials or to the cost which seemed to them prohibitive. A Military Academy was opened in Tientsin in 1885, and long before this there were the beginnings of a modern navy (see under Shên Pao-chên). But it was a distinct drawback to China that the arsenals and ship-building yards—the first of these being established when Li was governor at Shanghai, others being located later at Foochow and Tientsin—were regarded as provincial rather than national enterprises. Up to 1888 Li, as an associate controller of the Board of Admiralty (see under I-huan), was able to secure funds to build up a fleet of some twenty-eight vessels, but from then till the out-break of the war with Japan (1894) a series of setbacks crippled the navy, among them the requisition of two million taels to celebrate the Empress Dowager's birthday (see under Hsiao-ch'in) the resignation of Captain Lang, formerly of the British Navy, who with Admiral Ting Ju-ch'ang 丁汝昌 (T. 禹廷, d. 1895), had built up the navy; and the death of Prince Ch'un (see I-huan), one of its chief friends among the Manchu princes. The provincial authorities who thus saw sums, which they had grudgingly contributed to the navy, diverted to other uses, naturally cut down their appropriations. Other reforms likewise were retarded after 1888.

Owing to the death of his mother in 1882, Li Hung-chang secured a leave of absence, but trouble in Korea forced his recall in the same year. Leave for the burial was curtailed in 1883 because of French aggressions in Annam. Prior to taking his second leave, Li negotiated a treaty with France securing recognition of Chinese suzerainty over Annam and placing a neutral zone between Chinese and French spheres. But this understanding was repudiated in Paris and M. Tricou was sent from Tokyo to negotiate another treaty recognizing the independence of Annam. Tricou awaited Li at Shanghai, but when Li passed through that city in July 1883 Li could not be held there to revise the treaty in conformity with French wishes. He was coldly received by all the foreign officials, except the American Minister, John Russell Young 楊約翰 (1840-1899). Li tried in vain to secure mediation on this menacing problem, and M. Tricou followed him to Tientsin where a tentative agreement was reached which would save some vestige of Chinese prestige in Annam. But even this was not drawn into a definite treaty, and an undeclared war ensued. Li did not contribute his northern fleet to this war lest it be needed for defense, but he did inspire the negotiations for selling the China Merchant's steamers to Russell and Company (旗昌洋行) with a verbal understanding that they might be repurchased after the danger of capture was over. France attacked Formosa (see under Liu Ming-ch'uan) and in February 1885 declared a state of war to exist. But some Chinese successes on land (see under Feng Tzu-ts'ai), together with a French Cabinet crisis, resulted in a new treaty on April 4, 1885, which was signed by Li Hung-chang on June 9. France virtually got what she desired yet without great loss of prestige to China.

The indifferent success regarding Annam led to a determined effort to retrieve China's position in Korea. The riots in July 1882 which forced the Japanese minister, Hanabusa Yoshitada 花房義質 (1842-1917), to flee, and caused Li to hasten north from Anhwei, resulted from a break between pro-Japanese radicals and pro Chinese conservatives in Korea. The Tai Won Kun (see under Li Shu-ch'ang) was brought to China as a prisoner. But the issues were settled directly (August 29) between Korea and Japan, thus still further damaging Chinese prestige. One faction in China hoped to establish overlordship in Korea by stationing a resident at Seoul, but Li, fearful of foreign complications, contented himself with putting in force a set of trade regulations—to be enforced by commissioners both in Tientsin and in Seoul granting Chinese greater privileges than those enjoyed by subjects of other nations. He secured the appointment of P. G. Möllendorff 穆麟德 (1847-1901) to organize the Korean Customs, and in place of Chinese consuls in Korean ports he appointed deputy trade commissioners who also exercised criminal jurisdiction over Chinese subjects. But Harry Parkes (see under Yeh Ming-ch'ên) ignored China's plans when he negotiated treaties with the Koreans in 1883, and in the following year various nations pressed Korea for privileges equal to those the Chinese enjoyed. Moreover, Korean radicals supported by Japanese, sought full independence for their country. On December 4, when the newly-established postal system was being celebrated, a pro-Japanese faction staged a riot and, according to a pre-arranged plan, forced the King to summon Japanese Legation guards to the Palace. Two days later the Chinese garrison at Seoul, in an attempt to rescue the King, attacked the Japanese guards in the Palace and compelled them to withdraw from Korea (see Yüan Chia-san). Japan sent two of her ablest statesmen to settle this case: Inoue Kaoru (see under Wu Ta-ch'êng) to Seoul to seek redress from the King, and Itô Hirobumi 伊藤博文 (H. 春畝, 1841-1909) to Tientsin to reach an understanding with Li. After several meetings Ito and Li decided upon the following points: mutually to renounce the policy of stationing troops or military advisors in Korea; the modernization of Korea would be effected by advisors from a third power; and in case of further disturbance no troops would be sent without prior notification to the other power.

Despite this virtual acknowledgment of Japan as an equal in Korea, Li spent the ensuing nine years seeking to recover Chinese prestige and control of that country. While Möllendorff administered the Customs under Robert Hart's (see under Chang Chih-tung) directions from Peking, Yüan Shih-k'ai (see under Yüan Chia-san) was made 'Resident' to assist the King in internal and foreign affairs; and Judge Denny, former consul at Tientsin and a personal friend of Li, was persuaded to take the office of advisor to the King. Denny, however, disappointed Li by taking for granted the independence of Korea. In 1885 the British suddenly occupied Port Hamilton, whereupon Li negotiated a secret treaty of alliance with the Russian Minister. The British were, however, given the necessary guarantee which led to the evacuation of Port Hamilton (1886) and the treaty of alliance with Russia was never ratified.

While matters were proceeding thus in Korea Li managed in 1886 to carry through the long-desired removal of the Catholic church which overlooked the Imperial Palace in Peking. This was effected by direct negotiation in Rome and also with the Bishop in Peking. Direct diplomatic relations with the Vatican were suggested in the hope of settling numerous church cases without the intervention of France, but France vetoed the proposal.

The prestige of Li Hung-chang seems to have reached its highest point early in the 'nineties. On his seventieth birthday in 1892 the Empress Dowager and the Emperor showered him with gifts and honors. A work containing pictures of the celebration and eulogies by his friends, was published in 6 volumes under the title, 合肥相國七十賜壽圖 Ho-fei hsiang-kuo ch'i-shih tz'û-shou t'u.

In the meantime affairs in Korea did not become less confusing. The constant struggle between radicals and conservatives, and the unending foreign intrigue, came to a head in 1893 when the reactionary, semi-religious society known as Tong Haks 東學黨 came forward. This group, whose aim it was to cast out all Western innovations, had a special animus against Japan, which in their eyes had proved a renegade to Eastern Civilization and to Confucian teachings. The danger of revolution was not lessened when Kim Ok-kyun 金玉均 (T. 伯溫 H. 古筠, 1851-1894), leader of the radical, pro-Japanese faction and a refugee at Shanghai, was murdered (March 29) and his corpse brought to Korea and cut up and distributed through the country as a warning to liberals. The Korean government managed to suppress the disturbance, but called on China for military aid. Japan, who also sent forces, proposed to China reforms in the government, and when China declined to co-operate, made demands on Korea. The sending by China of reinforcements was regarded as a challenge to Japan who commenced hostilities by sinking the chartered troopship, Kowshing (July 25, 1894).

It was far from Li's intention to challenge Japan to war, for as stated above his navy was crippled, after 1888, for want of funds. But the Peking government controlled by his political rival, Wêng T'ung-ho [q.v.], advocated resistance. The resulting defeat was fatal to Li's prestige. His Korean policy was shattered, his navy was routed, and for both catastrophes he alone was blamed. He was deprived of honors but held at his post, frantically seeking for funds, for munitions, for mediation. He was dejected and at his wit's end. Yet the blame was laid on him for a war which he would have avoided. In November he sent his trusted advisor, Detring 德璀林, with a personal letter to Ito to negotiate peace, but Detring was not received. Attempts were made through the American minister, Charles Denby 田貝 (1830-1904), to discuss peace on the basis of Korean independence, but Japan replied that she would make her terms known only to properly accredited plenipotentiaries sent to Japan. Consequently China dispatched Chang Yin-huan [q.v.] and Shao Yu-lien (see under Ch'ung-hou) to Hiroshima. There they were met early in January by Ito and Mutsu Munemitsu 陸奧宗光 (1844-1897). But Japan rebuffed them on the ground that their credentials were improperly drawn up, nor would she permit them to secure revised credentials by telegraph. Only a man of very high rank would be acceptable, and this pointed to Li himself. Li's cup of bitterness was not yet drained to the dregs, for on February 17 a cablegram from Tokyo stated that no plenipotentiary need come who was not authorized to cede territory and settle outstanding questions, great and small, including demands Japan would later make known. China could only accept the hard terms and Li was appointed. Prior to setting out for Shimonoseki he called on various legations to seek aid. Though no such pledges are definitely known to have been given, some writers profess to believe that Count Cassini of Russia did virtually pledge Russian aid in case Manchurian territory should be demanded, and that Britain intimated she would not be indifferent if her sphere in the South were invaded. The first meeting with the Japanese took place on March 20, when an armistice was refused except on impossible terms. Four days later Li was shot by a fanatic and the incident so stirred public opinion that profuse apologies were made and a generous armistice was granted (March 30) for a limited period. Li's nephew and adopted son, Li Ching-fang 李經方 (T. 伯行, 1855?-1934) became the plenipotentiary and continued the negotiations.

The terms of peace confirmed China's worst fears. They included not only the independence of Korea but the cession of the Liaotung Peninsula, Formosa, and the Pescadores. Included also were an indemnity of 300,000,000 Kuping taels, the opening of seven new ports to trade chiefly in the Yangtze and West River regions and numerous concessions to Japanese merchants. Though a few slight concessions were granted, China was compelled to accept them virtually as first made on April 1. The last touches were added on April 17, 1895, and the treaty was signed, but China still hoped for modifications before final ratification. The hoped-for intervention came on April 23 when Russia, France and Germany advised Japan to retrocede the Liaotung Peninsula. China suggested that the treaty be rewritten, but Japan insisted on ratification first, and after that bowed to the will of the three European powers.

As reward for her services Russia desired the immediate recognition of Li's alleged promises, but Li had been transferred to a non-political post in Peking and could do nothing. The following year, however (1896), on the occasion of the Tsar's coronation in Moscow, Russia insisted that Li was the most suitable delegate to represent China, and the appointment was made. He left Shanghai on March 28, passed through Odessa on April 27, and reached St. Petersburg on April 30. There he was received with great honor by Lobanoff and Witte, and he negotiated with the latter a secret treaty aimed against Japan and providing for an alliance. Permission was given to Russia to build (through the semi-official Russo-Chinese Bank) the Chinese Eastern Railway across Manchuria. Later a contract was officially made between the Chinese Government and the Railway (organized under the bank) which granted special tariff rates, and set forth the terms under which guards might be placed along the line. It was agreed that the road might be purchased by China at the end of thirty-six years and that it might revert to her without compensation after eighty years.

From Russia Li proceeded round the world visiting the Kaiser and Bismarck in Germany, and making stops at The Hague, Brussels and Paris. On August 5 he had an audience with Queen Victoria, and at the end of that month was introduced to President Cleveland in Washington. Sailing from Vancouver on September 14—but refusing to go ashore in Japan—he returned to Tientsin on October 3, 1896. Many anecdotes are still current about this journey round the world. In sharp contrast with his triumphant progress abroad was the cool welcome he received at home. It was owing to the power of the Empress Dowager alone that his enemies did not reach him; and Chinese writers hint that her protection at this juncture was secured at a round price. So Li remained in office, attached to the Tsung-li Yamen. Early in 1898 Russia secured the lease of the Liaotung Peninsula, and in connection with the further right which she received to extend her railway south from Harbin to Port Arthur and Dalny, Count Witte is authority for the statement that he gave bribes both to Li Hung-chang and to Chang Yin-huan.

In the summer of 1898—during the Hundred Days of Reform (see under T'an Ssû-t'ung)—Li was dismissed from the Tsung-li Yamen, and that autumn was sent to supervise conservancy work along the Yellow River. He retained his position as Superintendent of Trade for the North and in that capacity made, in the autumn of 1899, an extended tour of inspection of the chief northern seaports. Soon thereafter he was appointed acting governor-general of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, the appointment being changed after a few months to full governor-general. In that capacity he sought to curb the gambling which was then widespread, but he did not accomplish much before the Boxer outbreak (1900), and the attendant calamities made it urgent that he return to the capital to negotiate with the angered Western powers. Having managed, along with the other southern governors, to maintain order and protect foreign lives and property during the storm (see under Chang Chih-tung), he was virtually the only acceptable spokesman for the scattered and discredited northern regime. Appointed plenipotentiary and governor-general of Chihli, he came north toward the end of the summer, stopping in Shanghai long enough to explore the situation and hold preliminary conversations. Li strove with all his power to make the indemnities as small as possible and the other conditions free from undue humiliation. But the cards were all in the hands of the triumphant allies and the onerous treaty was finally signed on September 7, 1901. Even while he was thus engaged, Russia was hounding him to sign another treaty granting her a free hand in Manchuria. This last bitterness was evaded, however, when he died on November 7.

During his public career which covered nearly half a century, Li Hung-chang had helped to deliver the dynasty from the Taiping Rebellion and had introduced many reforms, particularly in the years 1870-94. Relying much on the advice of Sir Halliday Macartney, William Pethick 白狄克 (d. 1901), Chester Holcombe 何天爵 (1844-1912), Sir Robert Hart and Detring, not to mention others, he did perhaps all he could for a land where the conservatism of the people, a reactionary officialdom, and unrestrained international rivalry, made each step forward a matter of great difficulty. Always progressive, yet patient and conciliatory, it was his fate to bear the blame for failures which might have been avoided if he had had his way. Nevertheless he bore defeat with composure and dignity. Fateful also is the fact that the triumph of Japan caused such a strong reaction in favor of Russia that the policies Li worked out brought about, not a Far Eastern-balance, but the Russo-Japanese war and a train of consequences that may be attributed to it.

Li Hung-chang was posthumously given the honorary title of Grand Tutor, the name Wên-chung 文忠, and the hereditary rank of Marquis of the first class. His name was entered in the Temple of Eminent Statesmen, and in later years special temples were erected to his memory in Peking, Tientsin, Shanghai, Nanking, Soochow and other places. His rank was first inherited by his son, Li Ching-shu 李經述 (T. 仲彭, d. 1901?), and then by the latter's son, Li Kuo-chieh 李國杰 (T. 偉侯 1881-1939), who was Chinese Minister to Belgium (1910-12) and director of the China Merchant's Steam Navigation Company until 1932. Li Hung-chang's elder brother, Li Han-chang 李瀚章 (T. 筱荃, 1821-1899), served as governor-general at Wuchang (1867, 1870-75, 1876-82) and at Canton (1889-95). Li Hung-chang's youngest son, Li Ching-mai 李經邁 (T. 季高, d. 1938), was minister to Austria in 1905-07.

The collected literary works of three generations of the Li family, each in 8 chüan, were edited by Li Kuo-chieh and printed in 1904 under the collective title, 合肥李氏三世遺集 Ho-fei Li-shih san-shih i-chi—the works of Li Hung-chang, bearing the sub-title, Li Wên-chung kung i-chi. Li's memorials, correspondence, and other documents were printed in 1908 under the collective title, Li Wên-chung kung ch'üan-shu (全書), 165 chüan, with an additional chüan of biographical information. Drafts of Li's letters, composed by his secretary, Yü Shih-mei 于式枚 (T. 穗生 H. 晦若, 1859-1915), were reproduced (1916) in facsimile with Li's corrections, under the title Li Wên-chung kung ch'ih-tu (尺牘), 32 volumes. Yü served on Li's staff from 1885 to 1899, and later rose to the post of vice-president of the Board of Civil Appointments (1910). Among others who rose with Li's help to fame and position may be mentioned Chou Fu 周馥 (T. 玉山, 1837-1921), who after serving under Li for many years was made governor-general at Canton (1906-07).

[1/417/la; 2/57/la; 2/59/23a; 5/7/7b; 5/30/21a; Li Wên-chung kung chüan-chi; 傅相游歷各國日記 Fu-hsiang yu-li ko-kuo jih-chi (1897); Li Shu-ch'un 李書春, Li Wên-chung kung Hung-chang nien-p'u in 史學年報, No. 1 (1929); I-hsin [q.v.], Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih mo, T'ung-chih; I-hsin [q.v.], Ch'ing-chi wai-chiao shih-liao; 清光緒朝中法交涉史料 Ch'ing Kuang-hsü ch'ao Chung-Fa chiao-shê shih-liao; Ch'ing Kuang-hsü ch'ao Chung-Jih (日) chiao-she shih-liao; The Memoirs of Count Witte, tr. and ed. by Abraham Yarmolinski (1921); Morse, H. B., International Relations of the Chinese Empire, vol. II, III; Bland, J. O. P., Li Hung-chang (1917); Douglas, R. K., Li Hung-chang (1895); Little, Mrs. Archibald, Li Hung-chang, His Life and Times (1903); 廬州府志 Lu-chou-fu chih (1885), 12/5a; Okudaira Takehiko 奧平武彥, 朝鮮開國交涉始末 Chôsen kaikoku kôshô shimatsu (1935) ; Itô Hirobumi (see above), 祕書類纂 Hisho ruisan (1933-34); Mutsu Munemitsu (see above) 蹇蹇錄岩 Kenken roku (1895) reprinted in 1933 in 岩波文庫 Iwanami Bunko.]

WILLIAM J. HAIL

https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/singfree...

派名章銅 字子黻 一字漸甫 號少荃 晚號儀叟 安徽廬州府合肥縣民籍 府學優廩生 道光癸卯科優貢 甲辰恩科順天鄉試第八十四名舉人 丁未科會試第二十五名進士 殿試二甲 朝考一等 翰林院庶吉士 授職編修 歷充國史館協修官 大考二等 頒賞文綺 奉旨襄辦安徽團練 賞戴藍翎 賞加六品頂戴 賞換花翎 加知府銜 記名以道府用 加按察使銜 補授福建延建邵遺缺道 署理江蘇巡撫 兵部侍郎兼都察院右副都御史 補授江蘇巡撫 兼署南洋五口通商大臣 加太子少保銜 賞穿黃馬褂 特賞騎都尉世職 錫封一等伯爵 賜號肅毅 賞戴雙眼花翎 同治甲子科江南鄉試監臨 暫署兩江總督 署理兩江總督 兼管兩淮鹽政 頒給欽差大臣 節制湘淮各軍 補授欽差大臣 督辦剿匪事宜 兵部尚書兼都察院右都御史 湖廣總督 加一騎都尉世職 加太子太保銜 以湖廣總督協辦大學士 賜紫禁城騎馬 兼署湖北巡撫 欽差查辦四川事件 欽差督辦貴州剿苗軍務 節制川楚各軍 欽差督辦陝西軍務 調補直隸總督 兼管長蘆鹽政 兼北洋三口通商大臣 頒給欽差大臣 關防辦理北洋通商事務 欽差馳赴天津會同查辦事件 欽派全權大臣與祕魯國使臣會商事務 調授文華殿大學士 行走班次在滿大學士之前 欽派全權大臣與大不列顛國使臣會商事務 題穆宗毅皇帝 孝哲毅皇后神主 加太子太傅銜 欽差全權大臣辦理巴西國通商條約事務 題孝貞顯皇后神主 賞穿帶膆貂褂 丁母憂 賞假百日回籍穿孝 特旨署大學士 署理北洋通商大臣 督辦海防 賞假回籍營葬 特派督辦越南軍務 署理直隸總督 補授大學士 直隸總督兼通商大臣 仍授文華殿大學士 欽派全權大臣與法蘭西國使臣會商事件 欽派全權大臣與日本國使臣會商事件 特派會同醇親王辦理海軍事務 欽派全權大臣議定法蘭西國通商雲南廣西邊界章程 欽派全權大臣辦理葡萄牙國通商條約事宜 賞用紫繮 特旨七十賜壽 賞戴三眼花翎 特派充頭等全權大臣往日本國議和訂約 入閣辦事 特派充頭等專使致賀俄羅斯皇帝加冕並往各國聘問 特賞內監扶掖 特派在總理各國事務衙門行走 經筵講官 武英殿總裁 賞給頭等第二大帶雙龍寶星稽查 欽奉上諭事件處 派往山東查勘黃河工程 賜西苑門內乘坐二人肩輿 欽派商務大臣前往南北洋考覈商務 署理兩廣總督 賞穿方龍補服 補授兩廣總督 調補直隸總督兼北洋通商大臣 特派充全權大臣便宜行事督辦政務大臣 署總理外務部事務大臣 十三次京察交部從優 議敘加級紀錄 誥授光祿大夫 建威將軍 照大學士例賜卹 賞給陀羅經被 特旨予諡文忠 追贈太傅 晉封一等侯爵 入祀賢良祠 派親王奠醊 賞銀五千兩治喪 原籍及立功省分建立專祠 地方官春秋致祭 國史館立傳 靈柩回籍時沿途地方官妥爲照料 任內一切處分悉予開復 特旨京師建立專祠 賜名表忠祠 地方官春秋致祭 諭賜祭葬 特旨再賜祭一壇 靈柩啓程 再派親王賜祭

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《清史稿》卷411

李鴻章，字少荃，安徽合肥人。父文安，刑部郎中。其先本許姓。鴻章，道光二十七年進士，改庶吉士，授編修。從曾國藩游，講求經世之學。洪秀全據金陵，侍郎呂賢基為安徽團練大臣，奏鴻章自助。咸豐三年，廬州陷，鴻章建議先取含山、巢縣圖規復。巡撫福濟授以兵，連克二縣，逾年復廬州。累功，用道員，賞花翎。久之，以將兵淮甸遭眾忌，無所就，乃棄去。從國藩於江西，授福建延建邵道，仍留軍。十一年，國藩既克安慶，謀大舉東伐。會江蘇缺帥，奏薦鴻章可大用，江、浙士紳亦來乞師。同治元年，遂命鴻章召募淮勇七千人，率舊部將劉銘傳、周盛波、張樹聲、吳長慶，曾軍將程學啟，湘軍將郭松林，霆軍將楊鼎勳，以行。又奏調舉人潘鼎新、編修劉秉璋，檄弟鶴章總全軍營務。時沿江賊屯林立，乃賃西國汽舟八，穿賊道二千餘里，抵上海，特起一軍，是為淮軍。外國人見其衣裝樸陋，輒笑之，鴻章曰：「軍貴能戰，非徒飾觀美。迨吾一試，笑未晚也。」旋詔署江蘇巡撫。是時上海有英、法二國軍。美國華爾募洋兵數千，攻克松江、嘉定、青浦、奉賢，號南路軍；學啟等將湘、淮人攻南匯，號北路軍。四月，賊悉眾戰敗南路軍，嘉定、奉賢再陷，華爾棄青浦走保松江。學啟將千五百人屯新橋，賊圍之數十重，踐尸進。學啟開壁突擊，賊駭卻。鴻章親督軍來援，賊大奔，乘勝攻泗涇，解松江圍。外國軍見其戰，皆驚歎。自此湘、淮軍威始振。詔促移師鎮江，鴻章請先圖滬而後出江。既定浦東廳縣，偽慕王譚紹光來援，敗之北新涇，賊走嘉定。九月，進克其城。譚紹光率數十萬眾，連營江口，犯黃渡。諸將分攻，簡精卒踰壕伏而前，斃數人，賊陣動，學啟乘之，裹創噪而進，賊大潰。捷入，授江蘇巡撫。初，美人華爾所將兵名常勝軍，慈谿之役，歿於陣，其副白齊文懷異志，閉松江城索餉。鴻章裁其軍，易以英將戈登，常勝軍始復聽節制，命出海攻福山，不克而還。二年正月，兼署五口通商大臣。初，常熟守賊駱國忠、董正勤舉城降，福山諸海口俱下。偽忠王李秀成悉眾圍常熟，江陰援賊復陷福山。鴻章牒諭國忠固守待援，而檄鼎新、銘傳攻福山，奪石城。國忠知援至，開城猛擊，俘斬殆盡，遂解常熟圍，進復太倉、崑山。因疏陳賊情地勢，建三路進軍之策：學啟由崑山攻蘇州；鶴章、銘傳由江陰進無錫，淮、揚水軍輔之；太湖水軍將李朝斌由吳江進太湖，鼎新等分屯松江，常勝軍屯崑山為前軍援。李秀成糾合偽納王郜雲官等水陸十萬，偪大橋角而營，鶴章擊之，敗走，九月，復集，連營互進。鶴章立八營於大橋角，與之持。鴻章以賊麇集西路，志在保無錫，援蘇州。乃令鶴章、銘傳守後路，抽銳卒會學啟合破賊屯，蘇、錫之賊皆大困。賊陷江寧、蘇、杭為三大窟，而蘇則其脊膂也，故李秀成百計援之。譚紹光尤凶狡，誓死守，附城築長牆石壘，堅不可猝拔。十月，鴻章親視師，以砲毀之，城賊爭權相猜，謀反正，刺殺譚紹光，開門納軍。時降酋八人皆擁重兵，號十萬，歃血誓共生死，要顯秩。學啟言不殺八人，後必為患。鴻章意難之，學啟拂衣出，鴻章笑語為解。明日，八人出城受賞，留飲，即坐上數其罪，斬之。學啟入城諭定其眾，搜殺悍黨二千餘人。捷聞，賞太子太保銜、黃馬褂。十一月，鶴章等復無錫，進攻常州，以應江寧圍軍。學啟出太湖，圖嘉興，以應浙軍。鼎新等軍先入浙，收平湖、海鹽，賊爭應官軍，所至輒下。三年二月，學啟急攻嘉興，親搏戰，登城，克之，中彈死。四月，克常州，擒斬偽護王陳坤書，賞騎都尉世職。常勝軍慚無功，戈登辭歸國，乃撤其軍。廷議江寧久未下，促鴻章會攻，鴻章以金陵破在旦夕，託辭延師。六月，曾軍克江寧，捷書至。鴻章遂分軍令銘傳、盛波由東壩取廣德，鼎新、秉璋由松江攻湖州，松林、鼎勛由滬航海援閩。賊平，封一等肅毅伯，賞戴雙眼花翎。四年四月，科爾沁親王僧格林沁戰歿曹州，以曾國藩為欽差大臣，督其軍。鴻章署兩江總督，命率所部馳防豫西，兼備剿京東馬賊、甘肅回匪。鴻章言：「兵勢不能遠分，且籌餉造械，臣離江南，皆無可委託。為今日計，必先圖捻而後圖回。赴豫之師，必須多練馬隊，廣置車騾，非可猝辦。」詔寢其行。時曾國藩督軍剿捻久無功，命回兩江，而以鴻章署欽差代之，敗東捻任柱、賴文光於湖北。

六年正月，授湖廣總督。賊竄河南，渡運河，濟南戒嚴。初，曾國藩議憑河築牆，遏賊奔竄。鴻章守其策，而注重運西。飭豫軍提督宋慶、張曜及周盛波、劉秉璋分守山東東平以上，自靳口至濟寧；楊鼎勳分守趙村、石佛至南陽湖；李昭慶分守攤上、黃林莊至韓莊、八牌；皖軍黃秉鈞等分守宿遷、運河上下游：互為策應，使賊不得出運。六月，抵濟寧，賊由濰縣趨竄登、萊。鴻章復議偪入海隅聚殲之，乃創膠萊河防策，令銘傳、鼎新築長牆二百八十餘里，會合豫軍、東軍分汛設守。時賊集萊陽、即墨間，屢撲堤牆不得出。七月，賊由海神廟潛渡濰河，山東守將王心安不及禦，膠萊防潰。朝旨切責，將罷防，鴻章抗疏言：「運河東南北三面賊氛蹂躪，其受害者不過數府州縣，若驅過運西，則江、皖、東、豫、楚數省之地，流毒無窮。」乃堅持前議，嚴扼運防。令銘傳、松林、鼎勛三軍往來躡擊。十月，追至贛榆，降酋潘貴升斃任柱於陣，捻勢漸衰。賴文光挈眾竄山東，戰屢敗，遁入海濱，官軍圍擊之，斬獲三萬。賴文光走死揚州。東捻平，賞加一騎都尉世職。七年正月，西捻張總愚由山右渡河，北竄定州，京師大震。詔奪職，鴻章督軍入直，疏言：「剿辦流寇，以堅壁清野為上策。東捻流竄豫東、淮北，所至民築圩寨，深溝高壘以禦之。賊往往不得一飽，故其畏圩寨甚於畏兵。河北平原千里，無險可守。截此則竄彼，迎左則趨右，縱橫馳突，無處不流。且自渡黃入晉，沿途擄獲騾馬愈眾，步賊多改為騎，趨避捷，肆擾尤易。自古辦賊，必以彼此強弱飢飽為定衡。賊未必強於官軍，但彼騎多而我騎少。今欲絕賊糧、斷賊騎，惟有嚴諭紳民堅築圩寨。一聞警信，即收糧草牲畜老弱壯丁於內。賊至無所掠食，兵至轉可買食。賊雖流而其計漸窮，或可剋期撲滅也。」二月，鴻章督軍進德州，敗賊安平、饒陽。三月，賊竄晉州，渡滹沱河，南入豫，復折竄直隸，撲山東東昌；四月，趨茌平、德平，出德州，西奔吳橋、東光，偪天津。下部議處，命總統北路軍務，限一月殄滅。

鴻章以捻騎久成流寇，非就地圈圍，終不足制賊之命。三口通商大臣崇厚及左宗棠皆以為言，而直隸地平曠，無可圈圍；欲就東海南河形勢，必先扼西北運河，尤以東北至津、沽，西南至東昌、張秋為鎖鑰。乃掘滄州迤南捷地壩，洩運水入減河。河東築長牆，斷賊竄津之路。東昌運防，則淮軍自城南守至張秋，東、皖諸軍自城北守至臨清，並集民團協防。閏四月，以剿賊逾限，予嚴議。時賊為官軍所偪，奔突不常。以北路軍勢重，銳意南行，迴翔陵縣、臨邑間，旁擾茌平、德平，犯臨清運防。鴻章慮久晴河涸，民團不可恃，且晝夜追奔疲士卒，議乘黃河伏汛，縮地紮圈。以運河為外圍，以馬頰河為裡圍。其時官軍大敗賊於德州揚丁莊，又追敗之商河。張總愚率悍黨遁濟陽，沿河北出德州犯運防，上竄鹽山、滄州。官軍扼截之，不得出，轉趨博平、清平。適黃、運暨徒駭交漲，東昌、臨清、張秋、牐河水深不可越。河西北岸長牆綿亙，賊竄地迫狹，勢益困。鴻章增調劉銘傳軍，期會前敵。分屯茌平之桃橋、南鎮，至博平、東昌，圈賊徒駭、黃、運之內，而令馬隊週迴兜逐，賊無一生者，張總愚投水死。西捻平，詔復原官，加太子太保銜，以湖廣總督協辦大學士。八月入覲，賜紫禁城內騎馬。

八年二月，兼署湖北巡撫。十二月，詔援黔，未行，改援陝。九年七月，剿平北山土匪。值天津教堂滋事，命移軍北上。案結，調直隸總督兼北洋通商事務大臣。十月，日本請通商，授全權大臣，與定約。十二年五月，授大學士，仍留總督任。六月，授武英殿大學士。十三年，調文華殿大學士。國家舊制，相權在樞府。鴻章與國藩為相，皆總督兼官，非真相。然中外繫望，聲出政府上，政府亦倚以為重。其所經畫，皆防海交鄰大計。思以西國新法導中國以求自強，先急兵備，尤加意育才。初，與國藩合疏選幼童送往美國就學，歲百二十人。期以二十年學成歲歸為國效用，乃未及終學而中輟。鴻章爭之不能得，隨分遣生徒至英、德、法諸國留學。及建海軍，將校盡取才諸生中。初在上海奏設外國學館，及蒞天津，奏設武備海陸軍，又各立學堂，是為中國講求兵學之始。嘗議製造輪船，疏言：「西人專恃其砲輪之精利，橫行中土。於此而曰攘夷，固虛妄之論。即欲保和局，守疆土，亦非無具而能保守之也。士大夫囿於章句之學，苟安目前，遂有停止輪船之議。臣愚以為國家諸費皆可省，惟養兵設防、練習槍砲、製造兵輪之費萬不可省。求省費則必屏除一切，國無與立，終無自強之一日矣。」

光緒元年，臺灣事變，王大臣奏籌善後海防六策。鴻章議曰：「歷代備邊多在西北，其強弱之事，主客之形，皆適相埒，且猶有中外界限。今則東南海疆萬餘里，各國通商傳教，往來自如。陽託和好，陰懷吞噬，一國生事，諸國搆煽，實為數千年來未有之變局。輪船電報，瞬息千里，軍火機器，工力百倍，又為數千年來未有之強敵。而環顧當世，餉力人才，實有未逮，雖欲振奮而莫由。易曰：『窮則變，變則通。』蓋不變通，則戰守皆不足恃，而和亦不可久也。近時拘謹之儒，多以交涉洋務為恥，巧者又以引避自便。若非朝廷力開風氣，破拘攣之故習，求制勝之實際，天下危局，終不可支；日後乏才，且有甚於今日者。以中國之大，而無自強自立之時，非惟可憂，抑亦可恥。」鴻章持國事，力排眾議。在畿疆三十年，晏然無事。獨究討外國政學、法制、兵備、財用、工商、藝業。聞歐美出一新器，必百方營購以備不虞。嘗設廣方言館、機器製造局、輪船招商局；開磁州、開平煤鐵礦、漠河金礦；廣建鐵路、電線及織布局、醫學堂；購鐵甲兵艦；築大沽、旅順、威海船塢臺壘；遴武弁送德國學水陸軍械技藝；籌通商日本，派員往駐；創設公司船赴英貿易。凡所營造，皆前此所未有也。初，鴻章辦海防，政府歲給四百萬。其後不能照撥，而戶部又奏立限制，不令購船械。鴻章雖屢言，而事權不屬，蓋終不能竟厥功焉。

三年，晉、豫旱災，鴻章力籌賑濟。時直隸亦患水，永定河居五大河之一，累年漫決，害尤甚。鴻章修復金門牐及南、上、北三灰壩。盧溝橋以下二百餘里，改河築堤，緩其溜勢。別濬大清河、滹沱河、北運河、減河，以資宣洩，自是水患稍紓。

五年，命題穆宗毅皇帝、孝哲毅皇后神主，賞加太子太傅銜。六年，巴西通商，以全權大臣定約。八年，丁母憂，諭俟百日後以大學士署理直隸總督，鴻章累辭，始開缺，仍駐天津督練各軍，並署通商大臣。朝鮮內亂，鴻章時在籍，趣赴天津，代督張樹聲飭提督吳長慶率淮軍定其亂，鴻章策定朝鮮善後事宜。九年，復命署總督，累乞終制，不允。
十年，法越搆兵，雲貴總督岑毓英督師援越。法乃自請講解，鴻章與法總兵福祿諾議訂條款，既竣，而法人伺隙陷越諒山，薄鎮南關，兵艦馳入南洋，分擾閩、浙、臺灣，邊事大棘。北洋口岸，南始煙臺，北迄山海關，延袤幾三千里，而旅順口實為首衝。乃檄提督宋慶、水師統領提督丁汝昌守旅順，副將羅榮光守大沽，提督唐仁廉守北塘，提督曹克忠、總兵葉志超守山海關內外，總兵全祖凱守煙臺，首尾聯絡，海疆屹然。十一年，法大敗於諒山。計窮，復尋成。授全權大臣，與法使巴德納增減前約。事平，下部議敘。是年朝鮮亂黨入王宮，戕執政大臣六人。提督吳兆有以兵入護，誅亂黨，傷及日本兵。日人要索議統將罪，鴻章嚴拒之，而允以撤兵寢其事。九月，命會同醇親王辦理海軍。

十二年，以全權大臣定法國通商滇粵邊界章程。十三年，會訂葡萄牙通商約。十四年，海軍成船二十八，檄飭海軍提督丁汝昌統率全隊，周歷南北印度各海面，習風濤，練陣技，歲率為常。十五年，太后歸政，賞用紫韁。十七年，平熱河教匪，議敘。十九年正月，鴻章年七十，兩宮賜「壽」。二十年，賞戴三眼花翎，而日朝變起。

初，鴻章籌海防十餘年，練軍簡器，外人震其名，謂非用師逾十萬，不能攻旅順，取天津、威海。故俄、法之警，皆知有備而退。至是，中興諸臣及湘淮軍名將皆老死，鮮有存者。鴻章深知將士多不可恃，器械缺乏不應用，方設謀解紛難，而國人以為北洋海軍信可恃，爭起言戰，廷議遂銳意用兵。初敗於牙山，繼敗於平壤，日本乘勝內侵，連陷九連、鳳凰諸城，大連、旅順相繼失。復據威海衞、劉公島，奪我兵艦，海軍覆喪殆盡。於是議者交咎鴻章，褫其職，以王文韶代督直隸，命鴻章往日本議和。二十一年二月，抵馬關，與日本全權大臣伊藤博文、陸奧宗光議，多要挾。鴻章遇刺傷面，創甚，而言論自若，氣不少衰。日皇遣使慰問謝罪，卒以此結約解兵。會訂條款十二，割臺灣畀之，日本悉交還侵地。七月，回京，入閣辦事。十二月，俄皇加冕，充專使致賀，兼聘德、法、英、美諸國。二十二年正月，陛辭，上念垂老遠行，命其子經方、經述侍行。外人夙仰鴻章威望，所至禮遇逾等，至稱為東方畢士馬克。與俄議新約，由俄使經總署訂定，世傳「中俄密約」。七閱月，回京復命。兩宮召見，慰勞有加，命直總理各國事務衙門。

二十三年，充武英殿總裁。二十四年，命往山東查勘黃河工程。疏稱遷民築隄，成工匪易，惟擇要加修兩岸隄埝，疏通海口尾閭，為救急治標之策。下其奏，核議施行。

十月，出督兩廣。二十六年，賞用方龍補服。拳匪肇亂，八國聯軍入京，兩宮西狩。詔鴻章入朝，充議和全權大臣，兼督直隸，有「此行為安危存亡所係，勉為其難」之語。鴻章聞警兼程進，先以兵剿畿甸匪，孑身入京，左右前後皆敵軍，日與其使臣將帥爭盟約，卒定和約十二款。二十七年七月，講成，相率退軍。

大亂之後，公私蕩然。鴻章奏陳善後諸務。開市肆，通有無，施粥散米，中外帖然。並奉詔行新政，設政務處，充督辦大臣，旋署總理外務部事。積勞嘔血薨，年七十有九。事聞，兩宮震悼，錫祭葬，贈太傅，晉封一等侯，諡文忠。入祀賢良祠，安徽、浙江、江蘇、上海、江寧、天津各建祠以祀，並命於京師特建專祠。漢臣祀京師，蓋異數也。 鴻章長軀疏髯，性恢廓，處榮悴顯晦及事之成敗，不易常度，時以詼笑解紛難。尤善外交，陰陽開闔，風采凜然。外國與共事者，皆一時偉人。及八國定盟，其使臣大將多後進，視鴻章皆丈人行也，故兵雖勝，未敢輕中國。聞其薨，咸集弔唁，曰：「公所定約不敢渝。」其任事持大體，不為小廉曲謹。自壯至老，未嘗一日言退，嘗以曾國藩晚年求退為無益之請，受國大任，死而後已。馬關定約還，論者未已，或勸之歸。鴻章則言：「於國實有不能恝然之誼，今事敗求退，更誰賴乎？」其忠勤皆類此。居恆好整以暇，案上置宋搨蘭亭，日臨摹百字，飲食起居皆有恆晷。長於奏牘，時以曾、李並稱云。鴻章初以兄子經方為子，後生子經述，賞四品京堂，襲侯爵；經邁，侍郎。

論曰：中興名臣，與兵事相終始，其勛業往往為武功所掩。鴻章既平大難，獨主國事數十年，內政外交，常以一身當其衝，國家倚為重輕，名滿全球，中外震仰，近世所未有也。生平以天下為己任，忍辱負重，庶不愧社稷之臣；惟才氣自喜，好以利祿驅眾，志節之士多不樂為用，緩急莫恃，卒致敗誤。疑謗之起，抑豈無因哉？