Zēng Guófān 曾國藩

Zeng Guofan, Marquis Yiyong (Chinese: 曾國藩 pinyin: Zēng Guófān), birth name Zeng Zicheng, courtesy name Bohan, was a Chinese statesman, military general, and Confucian scholar of the late Qing dynasty. He is best known for raising and organizing the Xiang Army to aid the Qing military in suppressing the Taiping Rebellion and restoring the stability of the Qing Empire. Along with other prominent figures such as Zuo Zongtang and Li Hongzhang, Zeng set the scene for the Tongzhi Restoration, an attempt to arrest the decline of the Qing dynasty. Zeng was known for his strategic perception, administrative skill and noble personality on Confucianist practice, but also for the ruthlessness of his repression of the rebellion. He exemplified loyalty in an era of chaos, but is also regarded as a precursor to the rise of warlordism.

Tsêng Kuo-fan 曾國藩 (T. 伯涵, H. 滌生), Nov. 26, 1811-1872, Mar. 12, statesman, general and scholar, the first Marquis I-yung (毅勇侯), was a native of Hsiang-hsiang, Hunan. He was born in a poor peasant family and in his youth was much influenced, in his characteristic tendencies and habits of thought, by his grandfather, Tsêng Yü-p'ing 曾玉屏 (T. 星岡, 1774-1849). His father, Tsêng Lin-shu 曾麟書 (T. 竹亭, 1790-1857), became a hsiu-ts'ai in 1832—a year before Tsêng Kuo-fan himself obtained the same degree. Tsêng Kuo-fan was a chin-shih of 1838 and in June of the same year became a member of the Hanlin Academy. At the capital, he pursued his studies with great tenacity of purpose and profited by his contacts with noted contemporary scholars. After routine promotions he was appointed, in 1849, junior vice-president of the Board of Ceremonies. At different times he served as acting vice-president on several other Boards and thus gained wide knowledge of state affairs. This experience enabled him, in his later memorials to the throne, to make practical proposals and to frame them with great clarity and precision. In 1852 he was sent to conduct the provincial examination of Kiangsi, but learning, on his way south, of the death of his mother, he was granted leave to return home to observe the customary mourning period.

From 1850 onward the Taiping Rebellion had spread rapidly from Kwangsi to Hunan, Hupeh and down the Yangtze River to Nanking (see under Hung Hsiu-ch'üan). For three years the pursuing imperial troops vainly followed the insurgents from Kwangsi to the outskirts of Nanking (see under Hsiang Jung). But the militia, organized in the villages by Chiang Chung-yüan and Lo Tsê-nan [qq.v.], proved to be more effective than the regulars—particularly in 1852 in the defense of Changsha (see under Lo Ping-chang). After the Taipings had abandoned the siege of Changsha (November 30, 1852) Tsêng was ordered by the emperor to recruit and drill the Hunan militia. When, after much persuasion, he decided on January 29, 1853 to assume this responsibility he swore to himself that he would not covet wealth nor fear death.

Tsêng Kuo-fan's first task was to organize the Hunan Army (Hsiang-chün 湘軍), usually referred to as the "Hunan Braves." It comprised, among other troops, Lo Tsê-nan's "Hsiang Yung" and Chiang Chung-yüan's "Ch'u Yung" (see under Lo and Chiang). These constituted Tsêng's land force. With foresight, characteristic of his later campaigns, he laid careful plans for the training of his troops and initiated methods of discipline and organization which greatly contributed to his ultimate success. He established central training camps at which those troops with previous military experience received further instruction, and opened recruiting stations in each district of Hunan where new recruits received initial preparation. He determined to send his troops first against local Bandit groups, to give them experience in fighting before taking them outside the province to war against the Taipings. For this he was severely criticized by those generals who were vainly fighting the Taipings, and even by the Emperor himself, to whom he addressed a long memorial explaining his plan for the campaign. Stubbornly refusing to be moved, either by ridicule or pleas for aid, he kept on with his organization of the poorly disciplined and untrained militia. The success of his plan depended upon funds given by Hunan officials and gentry. They proved lukewarm in their support until a victory by Chiang Chung-yüan and Lo Tsê-nan at Heng-shan-hsien so impressed the Court that local officials found it expedient to give him the necessary funds. Tsêng was embarrassed in all his campaigns by lack of support of the officials until he finally accepted an official post himself, which placed him in control of the finances of the provinces in which his campaigns were waged. Within a few months he acquiesced in the urgent proposal of Chiang Chung-yüan and Kuo Sung-t'ao [q.v.] to build gunboats and to train marines under the command of Yang Yüeh-pin (see under P'eng Yü-lin) and others, in the hope of driving the Taipings off the Yangtze.

After the conquest of Nanking in 1853 the Taipings were pressing two major campaigns: one to North China (see under Sêng-ko-lin-ch'in and Lin Fêng-hsiang), the other westward to Anhwei, Kiangsi and Hupeh. At that time Tsêng Kuo-fan, though again besieged by requests for aid, had no force which he could spare for the defense of Hupeh. A large part of the Hunan Braves already had been sent to the rescue of Kiangsi, and the rest were occupied in quelling local uprisings in Hunan, while the "navy" was still in process of organization. When, however, a few months later the Taipings from Hupeh pressed upon his forces in Hunan, Tsêng mobilized (February 25, 1854) his new flotilla of 240 boats with 5,000 marines, and a still larger army under the command of T'a-ch'i-pu [q.v.], to stem their advance. But owing to a storm which rendered many boats unfit, and to the inexperience of his troops in fighting, Tsêng was twice defeated in Hunan—once in Yochow and again at Ching-chiang 靖港. So mortified was he that he attempted to commit suicide. Fortunately T'a-ch'i-pu and P'êng Yü-lin triumphed over the Taipings at Hsiang-t'an (May 1, 1854), forcing them to retreat to Yochow, which was finally taken on July 25, 1854—a victory which much encouraged Tsêng. On January 12, 1852 the Taipings had taken Wuchang—the first of three occupations—but had lost it to the government forces in February of the same year. They again seized the city on June 26, 1854, and successfully defended it until October 14 when they were oten come by Tsêng's forces under Lo and Chiang—a severe blow to their plan of conquest. On December 2, 1854 Tsêng also won (see under P'êng Yü-lin) a signal victory over the strong defense which the Taipings made at T'ien-chia-chên. Meanwhile the city of Shanghai, which had been taken by a band of local rebels in 1855, was recovered in February 1855 (see under Chi-êr-hang-a). By the end of May 1855 the northern expedition of the Taipings was finally suppressed (see under Sêng-ko-lin-ch'in).

The victorious advance of Tsêng Kuo-fan's forces was stemmed at Kiukiang, however, by the stubborn resistance of the rebel chief, Lin Ch'i-jung 林啟容 (d. 1858), who had fought for the Taipings from the beginning of their activities. A part of Tsêng's navy was bottled up in Po-yang Lake; that part which was in the Yangtze was defeated, even Tsêng's flagship being captured by the rebels; and a storm damaged many of the remaining boats. The morale of Tsêng's troops, disheartened by these reverses was now at a low ebb. After making the required adjustments, he went to Nanchang, capital of Kiangsi, to rehabilitate the imprisoned fleet which was on the west shore of Po-yang Lake. The Taipings, on the other hand, hoping to weaken the attack which the government troops were making on Kiukiang, retook Wuchang for the third time on April 3, 1855. Despite this threat, Tsêng ordered T'a-ch'i-pu to keep an assaulting Kiukiang while Lo Tsê-nan and Hu Lin-i [q.v.] were sent to attack Wuchang, he himself remaining at Nanchang. The situation became all the more grave when T'a-ch'i-pu and Lo Tsê-nan both died and Tsêng himself was harassed by the almost invincible Taiping leader, Shih Ta-k'ai [q.v.]. But thanks to Tsêng's farsighted planning, his patience and his perseverance against great odds, coupled with his ability to select and inspire able commanders, Wuchang was recovered for the last time, December 19, 1856, by the forces under Hu Lin-i and Li Hsü-pin [q.v.]. Owing to the help of P'eng Yü-lin and the reinforcements sent to Kiangsi from Hunan by Tsêng's younger brother, Tsêng Kuo-ch'üan [q.v.], Tsêng's difficult position in Nanchang was alleviated.

Though at this time (1856) the Taipings failed in Hupeh and Kiangsi, they succeeded in crushing Hsiang Jung's large army at Nanking. Thereafter their forces were greatly weakened by a series of murders among their leaders (see under Hung Hsiu-ch'üan), and so they failed to press the advantage their victory offered. Tsêng Kuo-fan's father died on February 27, 1857, making it necessary for him to retire temporarily for mourning, but his capable generals were able to carry out his plans and recover Kiukiang on May 19, 1858. He was recalled from retirement before the period of mourning elapsed, and resumed his task-the working out of a careful plan to take Anking as a first step in the final recovery of Nanking. To accomplish these objectives he again declined to go to the relief of other cities still in the hands of the Taipings, although implored to do so. In pursuance of his plan to retake Anking he encamped at Ch'i-men in southern Anhwei (1860-61). In 1860 he was appointed governor-general of Kiangnan and Kiangsi and Imperial Commissioner for the suppression of the Taipings in South China. He thus was given full power to deal with all matters relating to the campaign, including the levy of funds for this purpose.

In the period 1860-61 Tsêng faced a difficult situation. The Taipings, who had earlier in 1860 crushed the reorganized imperial force near Nanking (see under Hsiang Jung), again became very strong and active under the leadership of Li Hsiu-ch'êng [q.v.]. A large part of Kiangsu and Chekiang were still in the enemy's hands—only Shanghai was never fully occupied by the rebels, their assaults in that area being repeatedly repulsed (see under Li Hung-chang). At the same time (1860) British and French forces were fighting their way to Peking, while the Court rook refuge in Jehôl. Appeals for help came to Tsêng from all sides, though after September 1860 he himself was so harried by the Taipings at Ch'i-men as to be unable, had he wished, to render aid to others. His difficulties reached a climax in April 1861, but by this time he was determined to die rather than retreat. The tide finally turned in his favor when Tso Tsung-t'ang [q.v.] and others came to the relief of Ch'i-men. Moreover, Anking was taken (September 5,1861) by his brother, Tsêng Kuo-ch'üan, after long and murderous attacks. Tsêng Kuo-fan then made that city his base of operations for the conquest of Nanking. Fearing to concentrate too large an army at Nanking lest the Taipings retake districts already under government control—as had repeatedly happened in the past—he set up three military areas: one in Kiangsu under Li Hung-chang [q.v.], another in Chekiang under Tso Tsung-t'ang, and a third in Anhwei under his own command. In all these areas active campaigns were carried out against the Taipings who were gradually encircled as Nanking was being besieged. Tsêng Kuo-ch'üan, who had proved himself an indomitable commander, volunteered for the difficult task of taking Nanking, the Taiping capital since March 19, 1853, where large government armies had several times been crushed, particularly in August 1856, November 1859, and August 1860. Though he was offered the aid of foreigners, he declined their help, and after a long siege and desperate fighting took Nanking on July 19, 1864 (see under Tsêng Kuo-ch'üan). The last remnants of the Taipings, however, were not cleared away until the beginning of 1866 (see under Pao Ch'ao). The chief credit for the suppression of this long and bloody Rebellion naturally went to Tsêng Kuo-fan who was made a Marquis of the first class with the designation I-yung—the first civil official to obtain such a rank.

After the Taiping Rebellion ended Tsêng Kuo-fan resumed his post as governor-general of Kiangnan and Kiangsi—thus remaining in Nanking for several months. His main objective was to restore peace and order and to promote the rehabilitation of learning in South China after a terribly destructive war lasting fifteen years. At his headquarters at Anking he established, early in 1864, an official printing office to reprint important works, chiefly classics and histories; and he now invited celebrated scholars, such as Wang Shih-to, Mo Yu-chih [qq.v.] and others, to be the chief editors. He disbanded a majority of the Hunan army, sending the soldiers home to their farms and employing the officers (many of whom were students) in proof-reading. In 1864 he issued regulations for printing establishments in each of the cities of Nanking, Soochow, Yangchow, Hangchow and Wuchang. These were known as "the five official printing offices" (五局). At the same time he restored (December 20, 1864) the provincial examinations at Nanking where, owing to the Taiping occupation, they had been for many years discontinued.

In June 1865 Tsêng Kuo-fan was ordered, by hurried mandate, to Shantung where Prince Sêng-ko-lin-ch'in had been killed in battle (May 1865) while fighting the Nien Bandits. Tsêng, now in supreme command of military affairs in Shantung, Chihli, and Honan, at once reorganized his forces, distributing them at four points in order to draw a net about the elusive rebels. After more than a year in the north in an unsatisfactory campaign to exterminate these rebels, and increasingly conscious of the criticism of his enemies, he recommended Li Hung-chang as his successor (December 12, 1866), he himself returning to his former post as governor-general at Nanking.

In 1863 Jung Hung [q.v.] had recommended to Tsêng the establishment of ironworks at Shanghai—works which later became the Kiangnan Arsenal—and Jung had purchased the machinery for it from abroad. In 1868 the first steamship was built there by Chinese and brought to Nanking for Tsêng's inspection. The opening of these ironworks was one of the most important contributions Tsêng made to the future welfare of China.

In 1867 he was appointed a Grand Secretary, and in September 1868 was made governor-general of Chihli province. In the latter capacity he cleared up a large number of long-pending legal cases, improved administrative efficiency, and set up a plan for a standing army which, however, was not carried out. In 1870 he was ordered to investigate and settle the case of the Tientsin Massacre (see under Ch'ung-hou). Fully conscious of China's military weakness, he pressed for a policy of justice and conciliation toward the Western powers involved, and so incurred the ill-will of many officials in Peking who desired war. The case was nearly settled when, aged and ill, he was transferred (1871) to his old post at Nanking, made vacant through the assassination of Ma Hsin-i [q.v.]. He was succeeded in Tientsin by Li Hung-chang. On August 18, 1871 he sent a joint memorial with Li, recommending the dispatch of young students to study abroad (see under Jung Hung). Their plan was put into effect in 1872, but Tsêng died a few months before the students actually set sail. He was given posthumously the title of Grand Tutor, and was canonized as Wên-chêng 文正.

Tsêng was a man of great foresight, as evidenced not only in his preparation for military campaigns but in many other matters as well. Several times the Shanghai and Kiangsi gentry suggested to the Court that foreign troops, who had successfully defended Shanghai against the rebels, be sent inland in an effort to bring the Taiping rebellion to a speedier close. Tsêng, whose opinion in the matter was asked by the Emperor, pointed out that though there was justification for using foreign troops at Shanghai and Ningpo, where in reality they were defending their own interests, the situation in the interior was different. Here, should joint Chinese and foreign troops be victorious, complications would surely arise and the "guest-soldiers" might seize the land and become a danger to the empire. He urged that, even in the use of foreign troops at treaty ports, a careful understanding should be reached before any fighting was undertaken. ln addition to being a man of great foresight and indomitable perseverance, he showed an extraordinary ability to select men of promise, train them for their posts, and to retain their loyalty. He had on his staff more than eighty able men—many of whom, like Li Hung-chang and P'êng Yü-lin, later became famous in history. He learned a great deal from personal experience in drilling soldiers, controlling subordinate officers, and co-ordinating troops from different parts of the country—and so finally was able to develop far-reaching plans which he carried out regardless of obstacles. Sometimes he is criticized for his loyalty to the Manchu dynasty for conservatism and obstinacy, and for cruelty in his treatment of the rebels. Yet the times in which he lived called for stern action, and however strict he may have been with others, he was even more strict with himself. He sought daily to improve himself by constant examination of his own mistakes and short-comings, as shown vividly in his diary which he kept from January 1, 1839 to March 11, 1872—the day before he died. The same habits of rigid self-examination are shown in the letters which he wrote to his parents, to his brothers, and to his sons; and in the admonitions he gave to the young to live lives of frugality, diligence, and integrity.

Tsêng was an honest and upright official. We are told in the nien-p'u (see below) of his young daughter, that during the years he lived in Peking, he was always poor; and that even when he held high command in the army, he sent home annually to his family not more than ten to twenty taels silver. It was not until he became governor-general of Chihli that he was able to save 20,000 taels from his salary. Throughout his life, no matter under what stress of war or governmental activity, he seldom passed a day in which he did not seek consolation or self-improvement by reading selections from the classics, history, or poetry. He found in the Sung philosophers, rather than in the writings of the School of Han Learning (see under Ku Yen-wu), the solace and encouragement which the times required. It is therefore no wonder that he was instrumental in reviving Sung philosophy in his day. Like some of the great Neo-Confucianists, he became master of a lucid, emotive style, interspersed with wise mottoes and sententious sayings concerning political, social, military, academic, and family affairs.

According to a bibliography of his works, compiled by Liu Shêng-mu (see under Chang Yü-chao), Tsêng Kuo-fan himself compiled or wrote some thirty-seven works. The more important of these are easily accessible in the so-called complete collection known as 曾文正公全集 Tsêng Wên-chêng kung ch'üan-chi, 174 chüan, printed in 1876. This comprises fifteen titles, including his memorials to the throne, in 36 chüan; his essays and verse, each in 3 chüan; his official correspondence in 33 chüan; and two anthologies of prose and verse. Appended to the collection are his nien-p'u in 12 chüan, and a record of the outstanding events of his life (大事記 Ta-shih chi)—both compiled by his pupils. In addition, there is his diary, 手書日記 Shou-shu jih-chi, in 40 volumes, printed in 1909; his letters to his family, Tsêng Wên-chêng kung chia-shu (家書), 10 chüan, printed in 1876; instructions or admonitions to members of his family, 家訓 Chia-hsün, 2 chüan, also printed in 1876; and a collection of other essays, Tsêng Wen-cheng kung chi wai-wên 外文, 1 chüan, printed in 1929. His mottoes and sayings on many subjects have been collected from his writings and published under various titles, such as: 曾胡治兵語錄 Tsêng-Hu chih-ping yü-lu (1911), sayings of Tsêng and of Hu Lin-i on military matters; Tsêng Wên-chêng kung chia-yen ch'ao, 嘉言鈔 (1916), a collection of Tsêng's famous sayings; and Tsêng Wên-chêng kung hsüeh-an (學案 1925) sayings on character-building and methods of study. Many other works were compiled under the general editorship or direction, such as the 江蘇減賦全案 Kiangsu chien-fu ch'üan-an (1866) on the reduction of taxation in the Soochow area (see under Fêng Kuei-fên); and 江西全省輿圖 Kiangsi ch'üan-shêng yü-t'u (1868), 14 + 1 chüan, an atlas of Kiangsi province.

Tsêng Kuo-fan had four younger brothers: Tsêng Kuo-huang 曾國潢 (T. 澄侯 1820-1885), Tsêng Kuo-hua 曾國華 (T. 溫甫, posthumous name 愍烈 1822-1858), Tsêng Kuo-ch'üan, and Tsêng Kuo-pao 曾國葆 (T. 季洪 name later changed to 曾貞榦, T. 恆靖, posthumous name 靖毅, 1828-1863)—all of whom served in the army which fought against the Taiping Rebels. He had four sisters: Tsêng Kuo-lan 曾國蘭 who married Wang P'êng-yüan 王鵬遠 ; Tsêng Kuo-hui 曾國蕙 who married Wang Tai-p'in 王待聘 ; Tsêng Kuo-chih 曾國芝, who married Chu Yüng-ch'un 朱詠春, and a sister who died in infancy. He had two sons: Tsêng Chi-tsê [q.v.], the inheritor of his hereditary rank of Marquis; and Tsêng Chi-hung 曾紀鴻 (T. 栗諴 1848-1881) who was skilled in mathematics, especially algebra. He had five daughters: Tsêng Chi-ching 曾紀靜 who married Yüan Ping-chên 袁秉楨; Tsêng Chi-yao 曾紀耀 who married Ch'ên Yüan-chi 陳遠濟 ; Tsêng Chi-ch'ên 曾紀琛 who married Lo Chao-shêng 羅兆升, son of Lo Tsê-nan [q.v.]; Tsêng Chi-ch'un 曾紀純 who married Kuo Kang-chi (see under Kuo Sung-tao); and Tsêng Chi-fên 曾紀芬 who married Nieh Ch'i-kuei 聶緝槼. Tsêng Chi-fên, born in 1852, edited her own nien-p'u under the title, 崇德老人八十自訂年譜 Ch'ung-tê lao-jên pa-shih tzu-ting nien-p'u, with portrait and calligraphy, first edition 1931, revised edition, 1935.

[ 1/411/la; 2/45/lla; 5/5/llb; 8/1/la; 26/4/5a; 29/10/5b; Li Yüan-tu [q.v.], T'ien-yüeh shan-kuan wên-ch'ao 14/1; Kuo Sung-tao, Yang-chih shu-wu wên-chi 19/la; Li Shu-ch'ang [q.v.], Cho-tsun-yüan ts'ung-kao 3/la; Hsüeh Fu-ch'êng [q.v.], Yung-an wên-pien 4/17; Yü Yüeh [q.v.], Ch'un-tsai-t'ang tsa-wên 2/lOb; I-hsin [q.v.], Chiao-ping Yüeh fei fang-lüeh; Kuan-wên [q.v.], P'ing-ting Yüeh fei chi-lüeh, l8 chüan (1869); Wang K'ai-yün 王闓運, 湘軍志 Hsiang-chün chih, 16 chüan (1886); Wang Ting-an 王定安, 湘軍記 Hsiang-chün chi, 20 chüan (1889), 求闕齋弟子記 Ch'iu-ch'üeh-chai ti-tzu-chi, 32 chüan (1876); 咸豐三年以來兵事月日 Hsien-fêng san-nien i-lai ping-shih yueh-jih, in the 同治上江兩縣志 T'ung-chih Shang Chiang liang-hsien chih, chüan 18 (1874) ; Li Hsiu-ch'êng, Li Hsiu-ch'êng kung-chuang; McClellan, J. W., The Story of Shanghai (Shanghai, 1889); Yung Wing, My Life in China and America (New York, 1909); Morse, H. B., The International Relations of the Chinese Empire, Vol. II (London, 1918); Hail, William James, Tsêng Kuo-fan and the Taiping Rebellion (1927); Liu Shêng-mu, 直介堂叢刻 Chih-chieh-t'ang ts'ung-k'o (1929); Chiang Hsing-tê 蔣星德, 曾國藩之生平及事業 Tsêng Kuo-fan chih shêng-p'ing chi shih-yeh (1936) ; Ta-kung pao (daily), Wên-hsüeh fu-k'an (Literary Supplement) no. 253 (November 7, 1932); 文哲季刊 Wên-che chi-k'an, vol. III, No. 4, pp. 691728 (Wuhan University, Wuchang, China, 1934); 師大月刊 Shih-ta yüeh-k'an, no. 28, pp. 149-67 (National Normal University, Peiping, November, 1936).]

TÊNG SSÛ-YU

譜名傳豫 原名子城 字伯涵 號滌生 行一 湖南湘鄉人 道光甲午科舉人 戊戌科進士 翰林院檢討 歷官翰林院侍講 翰林院侍讀 詹事府右春坊 右庶子 左春坊 左庶子 翰林院侍講學士 內閣學士兼禮部侍郎銜禮部右侍郎 兵部右侍郎 歷署吏兵刑工部左侍郎 歷充庚子科順天鄉試磨勘官 國史館協修 癸卯科四川鄉試正主考 文淵閣校理 乙巳科會試同考官 日講起居注官丁未漢教習 閱卷大臣 丁未科武會試正總裁 丁未科殿試讀卷大臣 己酉科宗室舉人覆試閱卷大臣 己酉科順天鄉試覆試閱卷大臣 己酉科順天武鄉試較射大臣 庚戌科會試覆試閱卷大臣 庚戌朝考進士閱卷大臣

武英殿大學士 兩江總督 一等毅勇侯 諡文正

《清史稿》卷405

曾國藩，初名子城，字滌生，湖南湘鄉人。家世農。祖玉屏，始慕嚮學。父麟書，為縣學生，以孝聞。

國藩，道光十八年進士。二十三年，以檢討典試四川，再轉侍讀，累遷內閣學士、禮部侍郎，署兵部。時太常寺卿唐鑑講學京師，國藩與倭仁、吳廷棟、何桂珍嚴事之，治義理之學。兼友梅曾亮及邵懿辰、劉傳瑩諸人，為詞章考據，尤留心天下人材。

咸豐初，廣西兵事起，詔群臣言得失。奏陳今日急務，首在用人，人才有轉移之道，有培養之方，有考察之法。上稱其剴切明辨。尋疏薦李棠階、吳廷棟、王慶雲、嚴正基、江忠源五人。寇氛益熾，復上言：「國用不足，兵伍不精，二者為天下大患。於歲入常額外，誠不可別求搜刮之術，增一分則民受一分之害。至歲出之數，兵餉為鉅，綠營兵額六十四萬，常虛六七萬以資給軍用。自乾隆中增兵議起，歲糜帑二百餘萬。其時大學士阿桂即憂其難繼，嘉、道間兩次議裁，不及十之四，仍宜汰五萬，復舊額。自古開國之初，兵少而國強，其後兵愈多則力愈弱，餉愈多則國愈貧。應請皇上注意將才，但使七十一鎮中有十餘鎮足為心腹，則緩急可恃矣。」又深痛內外臣工諂諛欺飾，無陳善責難之風。因上敬陳聖德預防流弊一疏，切指帝躬，有人所難言者，上優詔答之。歷署刑部、吏部侍郎。二年，典試江西，中途丁母憂歸。

三年，粵寇破江寧，據為偽都，分黨北犯河南、直隸，天下騷動，而國藩已前奉旨辦團練於長沙。初，國藩欲疏請終制，郭嵩燾曰：「公素具澄清之抱，今不乘時自效，如君父何？且墨絰從戎，古制也。」遂不復辭。取明戚繼光遺法，募農民樸實壯健者，朝夕訓練之。將領率用諸生，統眾數不逾五百，號「湘勇」。騰書遐邇，雖卑賤與鈞禮。山野材智之士感其誠，莫不往見，人人皆以曾公可與言事。四境土匪發，聞警即以湘勇往。立三等法，不以煩府縣獄。旬月中，莠民猾胥，便宜捕斬二百餘人。謗讟四起，自巡撫司道下皆心誹之，至以盛暑練操為虐士。然見所奏輒得褒答受主知，未有以難也。一日標兵與湘勇鬨，至闌入國藩行臺。國藩親訴諸巡撫，巡撫漫謝之，不為理，即日移營城外避標兵。或曰：「曷以聞？」國藩歎曰：「大難未已，吾人敢以私憤瀆君父乎？」

嘗與嵩燾、忠源論東南形勢多阻水，欲剿賊非治水師不可，乃奏請造戰艦於衡州。匠卒無曉船制者，短橈長槳，出自精思，以人力勝風水，遂成大小二百四十艦。募水陸萬人，水軍以褚汝航、楊載福、彭玉麟領之，陸軍以塔齊布、羅澤南領之。賊自江西上竄，再陷九江、安慶。忠源戰歿廬州，吳文鎔督師黃州亦敗死。漢陽失，武昌戒嚴，賊復乘勢擾湖南。國藩銳欲討賊，率水陸軍東下。舟師初出湖，大風，損數十艘。陸師至岳州，前隊潰退，引還長沙。賊陷湘潭，邀擊靖港，又敗，國藩憤投水，幕下士章壽麟掖起之，得不死。而同時塔齊布大破賊湘潭，國藩營長沙高峰寺，重整軍實，人人揶揄之。或請增兵，國藩曰：「吾水陸萬人非不多，而遇賊即潰。岳州之敗，水師拒戰者惟載福一營；湘潭之戰，陸師塔齊布、水師載福各兩營：以此知兵貴精不貴多。故諸葛敗祁山，且謀減兵損食，勤求己過，非虛言也。且古人用兵，先明功罪賞罰。今世亂，賢人君子皆潛伏，吾以義聲倡導，同履危亡。諸公之初從我，非以利動也，故於法亦有難施，其致敗由此。」諸將聞之皆服。

陸師既克湘潭，巡撫、提督上功，而國藩請罪。上詰責提督鮑起豹，免其官，以塔齊布代之。受印日，士民聚觀，歎詫國藩為知人，而天子能明見萬里也。賊自岳州陷常德，旋北走，武昌再失。國藩引兵趨岳州，斬賊梟將曾天養，連戰，下城陵磯。會師金口，謀取武昌。澤南沿江東岸攻花園寇屯，塔齊布伏兵洪山，載福舟師深入寇屯，士皆露立，不避鉛丸。武昌、漢陽賊望見官軍盛，宵遁，遂復二郡。國藩以前靖港敗，自請奪官，至是奏上，詔署湖北巡撫，尋加兵部侍郎銜，解署任，命督師東下。

當是時，水師奮厲無前，大破賊田家鎮，斃賊數萬，至於九江，前鋒薄湖口。攻梅家洲賊壘不下，駛入鄱湖。賊築壘湖口斷其後，舟不得出，於是外江、內湖阻絕。外江戰船無小艇，賊乘舴艋夜襲營，擲火燒坐船，國藩跳而免，水師遂大亂。上疏請罪，詔旨寬免，謂於大局無傷也。五年，賊再陷武漢，擾荊襄。國藩遣胡林翼等軍還援湖北，塔齊布留攻九江，而躬至南昌撫定水師之困內湖者。澤南從征江西，復弋陽，拔廣信，破義寧，而塔齊布卒於軍。國藩在江西與巡撫陳啟邁不相能，澤南奔命往來，上書國藩，言東南大勢在武昌，請率所部援鄂，國藩從之。幕客劉蓉諫曰：「公所恃者塔、羅。今塔將軍亡，羅又遠行，脫有急，誰堪使者？」國藩曰：「吾計之熟矣，東南大局宜如是，俱困於此無為也。」嵩燾祖餞澤南曰：「曾公兵單，奈何？」澤南曰：「天苟不亡本朝，公必不死。」九月，補授兵部侍郎。

六年，賊酋石達開由湖北竄江西，連陷八府一州，九江賊踞自如，湖南北聲息不相聞。國藩困南昌，遣將分屯要地，羽檄交馳，不廢吟誦。作水陸師得勝歌，教軍士戰守技藝、結營布陳之法，歌者咸感奮，以殺賊敢死為榮。顧眾寡，終不能大挫賊。議者爭請調澤南軍，上以武漢功垂成，不可棄。澤南督戰益急，卒死於軍。玉麟聞江西警，芒鞋走千里，穿賊中至南昌助守。林翼已為湖北巡撫，國藩弟國華、國葆用父命乞師林翼，將五千人攻瑞州。湖南巡撫駱秉章亦資國荃兵援吉安，兄弟皆會行間。而國藩前所遣援湖北諸軍，久之再克武漢，直下九江，李續賓八千人軍城東。續賓者，與弟續宜皆澤南高第弟子也。載福戰船四百泊江兩岸，江寧將軍都興阿馬隊、鮑超步隊駐小池口，凡數萬人。國藩本以憂懼治軍，自南昌迎勞，見軍容甚盛，益申儆告誡之。而是時江南大營潰，督師向榮退守丹陽，卒。和春為欽差大臣，張國樑總統諸軍攻江寧。

七年二月，國藩聞父憂，逕歸。給三月假治喪，堅請終制，允開侍郎缺。林翼既定湖北，進圍九江，破湖口，水師絕數年復合。載福連拔望江、東流，揚颿過安慶，克銅陵泥汊，與江南軍通。由是湘軍水師名天下。林翼以此軍創始國藩，楊、彭皆其舊部，請起國藩視師。會九江克復，石達開竄浙江，浸及福建，分股復犯江西，朝旨詔國藩出辦浙江軍務。

國藩至江西，屯建昌，又詔援閩。國藩以閩賊不足慮，而景德地衝要，遣將援贛北，攻景德。國荃追賊至浮梁，江西列城次第復。時石達開復竄湖南，圍寶慶。上慮四川且有變，林翼亦以湖北餉倚川鹽，而國藩又久治兵，無疆寄，乃與官文合疏請國藩援蜀。會賊竄廣西，上游兵事解，而陳玉成再破廬州，續賓戰歿三河，林翼以群盜蔓廬、壽間，終為楚患，乃改議留國藩合謀皖。軍分三道，各萬人。國藩由宿松、石牌規安慶，多隆阿、鮑超出太湖取桐城，林翼自英山嚮舒、六。多隆阿等既大破賊小池，復太湖、潛山，遂軍桐城。國荃率諸軍圍安慶，與桐城軍相犄角。安慶未及下，而皖南賊陷廣德，襲破杭州。

李秀成大會群賊建平，分道援江寧，江南大營復潰，常州、蘇州相繼失，咸豐十年閏三月也。左宗棠聞而歎曰：「此勝敗之轉機也！江南諸軍，將蹇兵疲久矣。滌而清之，庶幾後來可藉手乎？」或問：「誰可當者？」林翼曰：「朝廷以江南事付曾公，天下不足平也。」於是天子慎選帥，就加國藩兵部尚書銜，署理兩江總督，旋即真，授欽差大臣。是時江、浙賊氛熾，或請撤安慶圍先所急。國藩曰：「安慶一軍為克金陵張本，不可動也。」遂南渡江，駐祁門。江、浙官紳告急書日數十至，援蘇、援滬、援皖、援鎮江詔書亦疊下。國藩至祁門未數日，賊陷寧國，陷徽州。東南方困兵革，而英吉利復失好，以兵至。僧格林沁敗績天津，文宗狩熱河，國藩聞警，請提兵北上，會和議成，乃止。

其冬，大為賊困，一出祁門東陷婺源；一出祁門西陷景德；一入羊棧嶺攻大營。軍報絕不通，將吏惵然有憂色，固請移營江干就水師。國藩曰：「無故退軍，兵家所忌。」卒不從，使人間行檄鮑超、張運蘭亟引兵會。身在軍中，意氣自如，時與賓佐酌酒論文。自官京朝，即日記所言行，後履危困無稍間。國藩駐祁門，本資餉江西，及景德失，議者爭言取徽州通浙米。乃自將大軍次休寧，值天雨，八營皆潰，草遺囑寄家，誓死守休寧。適宗棠大破賊樂平，運道通，移駐東流。多隆阿連敗賊桐城，鮑超一軍游擊無定居，林翼復遣將助之。十一年八月，國荃遂克安慶。捷聞，而文宗崩，林翼亦卒。穆宗即位，太后垂簾聽政，加國藩太子少保銜，命節制江蘇、安徽、江西、浙江四省。國藩惶懼，疏辭，不允，朝有大政，咨而後行。

當是時，偽天王洪秀全僭號踞金陵，偽忠王李秀成等犯蘇、滬，偽侍王李世賢等陷浙杭，偽輔王楊輔清等屯寧國，偽康王汪海洋窺江西，偽英王陳玉成屯廬州，捻首苗霈霖出入潁、壽，與玉成合，圖竄山東、河南，眾皆號數十萬。國藩與國荃策進取，國荃曰：「急擣金陵，則寇必以全力護巢穴，而後蘇、杭可圖也。」國藩然之。乃以江寧事付國荃，以浙江事付宗棠，而以江蘇事付李鴻章。鴻章故出國藩門，以編修為幕僚，改道員，至是令從淮上募勇八千，選良將付之，號「淮軍」。同治元年，拜協辦大學士，督諸軍進討。於是國荃有擣金陵之師，鴻章有征蘇、滬之師，載福、玉麟有肅清下游之師；大江以北，多隆阿有取廬州之師，續宜有援潁州之師；大江以南，鮑超有攻寧國之師，運蘭有防剿徽州之師，宗棠有規復全浙之師：十道並出，皆受成於國藩。

賊之都金陵也，堅築壕壘，餉械足，猝不可拔。疾疫大作，將士死亡山積，幾不能軍。國藩自以德薄，請簡大臣馳赴軍，俾分己責，上優詔慰勉之，謂：「天災流行，豈卿一人之咎？意者朝廷政多缺失，我君臣當勉圖禳救，為民請命。且環顧中外，才力、氣量無逾卿者！時勢艱難，無稍懈也。」國藩讀詔感泣。時洪秀全被圍久，召李秀成蘇州，李世賢浙江，悉眾來援，號六十萬，圍雨花臺軍。國荃拒戰六十四日，解去。三年五月，水師克九洑洲，江寧城合圍。十月，鴻章克蘇州。四年二月，宗棠克杭州。國藩以江寧久不下，請鴻章來會師，未發，國荃攻益急，克之。江寧平，天子褒功，加太子太傅，封一等毅勇侯，賞雙眼翎。開國以來，文臣封侯自是始。朝野稱賀，而國藩功成不居，粥粥如畏。穆宗每簡督撫，輒密詢其人，未敢指缺疏薦，以謂疆臣既專征伐，不當更分黜陟之柄，外重內輕之漸，不可不防。

初，官軍積習深，勝不讓，敗不救。國藩練湘軍，謂必萬眾一心，乃可辦賊，故以忠誠倡天下。其後又謂淮上風氣勁，宜別立一軍。湘勇利山徑，馳騁平原非所長，且用武十年，氣亦稍衰矣，故欲練淮士為湘勇之繼。至是東南大定，裁湘軍，進淮軍，而捻匪事起。

捻匪者，始於山東游民相聚，其後剽掠光、固、潁、亳、淮、徐之間，捻紙燃脂，故謂之「捻」。有眾數十萬，馬數萬，蹂躪數千里，分合不常。捻首四人，曰張總愚、任柱、牛洪、賴文光。自洪寇、苗練嘗糾捻與官軍戰，益悉攻鬥，勝保、袁甲三不能禦。僧格林沁征討數年，亦未能大創之。國藩聞僧軍輕騎追賊，一日夜三百餘里，曰：「此於兵法，必蹶上將軍。」未幾而王果戰歿曹州，上聞大驚，詔國藩速赴山東剿捻，節制直隸、山東、河南三省，而鴻章代為總督，廷旨日促出師。國藩上言：「楚軍裁撤殆盡，今調劉松山一軍及劉銘傳淮勇尚不足。當更募徐州勇，以楚軍之規模，開齊、兗之風氣；又增募馬隊及黃河水師，皆非旦夕可就。直隸宜自籌防兵，分守河岸，不宜令河南之兵兼顧河北。僧格林沁嘗周歷五省，臣不能也。如以徐州為老營，則山東之兗、沂、曹、濟，河南之歸、陳，江蘇之淮、徐、海，安徽之廬、鳳、潁、泗，此十三府州責之臣，而以其餘責各督撫。汛地有專屬，則軍務乃漸有歸宿。」又奏：「扼要駐軍臨淮關、周家口、濟寧、徐州，為四鎮。一處有急，三處往援。今賊已成流寇，若賊流而我與之俱流，必致疲於奔命。故臣堅持初議，以有定之兵，制無定之寇，重迎剿，不重尾追。」然督師年餘，捻馳突如故。將士皆謂不苦戰而苦奔逐，乃起張秋抵清江築長牆，憑運河禦之，未成而捻竄襄、鄧間，因移而西，修沙河、賈魯河，開壕置守。分地甫定，而捻衝河南汛地，復突而東。時議頗咎國藩計迂闊，然亦無他術可制捻也。

山東、河南民習見僧格林沁戰，皆怪國藩以督兵大臣安坐徐州，謗議盈路。國藩在軍久，益慎用兵。初立駐軍四鎮之議，次設扼守黃運河之策。既數為言路所劾，亦自以防河無效，朝廷方起用國荃，乃奏請鴻章以江督出駐徐州，與魯撫會辦東路；國荃以鄂撫出駐襄陽，與豫撫會辦西路：而自駐周家口策應之。或又劾其驕妄，於是國藩念權位不可久處，益有憂讒畏譏之心矣。丐病假數月，繼請開缺，以散員留軍效力；又請削封爵：皆不許。

五年冬，還任江南，而鴻章代督軍。時牛洪死，張總愚竄陝西，任柱、賴文光竄湖北，自是有東西捻之號。六年，就補大學士，留治所。東捻由河南竄登、萊、青，李鴻章、劉長佑建議合四省兵力堵運河。賊復引而西，越膠、萊、河南入海州。官軍陣斬任柱，賴文光走死揚州。以東捻平，加國藩雲騎尉世職。西捻入陝後，為松山所敗。乘堅冰渡河竄山西，入直隸，犯保定、天津。松山繞出賊前，破之於獻縣。諸帥勤王師大至，賊越運河竄東昌、武定。鴻章移師德州，河水盛漲，扼河以困之。國藩遣黃翼升領水師助剿，大破賊于荏平。張總愚赴水死，而西捻平。凡防河之策，皆國藩本謀也。是年授武英殿大學士，調直隸總督。

國藩為政務持大體，規全勢。其策西事，議先清隴寇而後出關；籌滇、黔，議以蜀、湘二省為根本。皆初立一議，後數年卒如其說。自西人入中國，交涉事日繁。金陵未下，俄、美、英、法皆請以兵助，國藩婉拒之。及廷議購機輪，置船械，則力贊其成，復建議選學童習藝歐洲。每定約章，輒詔問可許不可許，國藩以為爭彼我之虛儀者可許，其奪吾民生計者勿許也。既至直隸，以練兵、飭吏、治河三端為要務，次第興革，設清訟局、禮賢館，政教大行。

九年四月，天津民擊殺法領事豐大業，燬教堂，傷教民數十人。通商大臣崇厚議嚴懲之，民不服。國藩方病目，詔速赴津，乃務持平保和局，殺十七人，又遣戍府縣吏。國藩之初至也，津民謂必反崇厚所為，備兵以抗法。然當是時，海內初定，湘軍已散遣，天津咫尺京畿，民、教相鬨，此小事不足啟兵端，而津民爭怨之。平生故舊持高論者，日移書譙讓，省館至毀所署楹帖，而國藩深維中外兵勢強弱，和戰利害，惟自引咎，不一辯也。丁日昌因上奏曰：「自古局外議論，不諒局中艱苦，一唱百和，亦足以熒上聽，撓大計。卒之事勢決裂，國家受無窮之累，而局外不與其禍，反得力持清議之名，臣實痛之！」

國藩既負重謗，疾益劇，乃召鴻章治其獄，逾月事定，如初議。會兩江缺出，遂調補江南，而以鴻章督直隸。江南人聞其至，焚香以迎。以亂後經籍就熸，設官書局印行，校刊皆精審。禮聘名儒為書院山長，其幕府亦極一時之選，江南文化遂比隆盛時。

國藩為人威重，美鬚髯，目三角有稜。每對客，注視移時不語，見者竦然，退則記其優劣，無或爽者。天性好文，治之終身不厭，有家法而不囿於一師。其論學兼綜漢、宋，以謂先王治世之道，經緯萬端，一貫之以禮。惜秦蕙田五禮通考闕食貨，乃輯補鹽課、海運、錢法、河堤為六卷；又慨古禮殘闕無軍禮，軍禮要自有專篇，如戚敬元所紀者。論者謂國藩所訂營制、營規，其於軍禮庶幾近之。晚年頗以清靜化民，俸入悉以養士。老儒宿學，群歸依之。尤知人，善任使，所成就薦拔者，不可勝數。一見輒品目其材，悉當。時舉先世耕讀之訓，教誡其家。遇將卒僚吏若子弟然，故雖嚴憚之，而樂為之用。居江南久，功德最盛。

同治十三年，薨于位，年六十二。百姓巷哭，繪像祀之。事聞，震悼，輟朝三日。贈太傅，諡文正，祀京師昭忠、賢良祠，各省建立專祠。子紀澤襲爵，官至侍郎，自有傳；紀鴻賜舉人，精算，見疇人傳。

論曰：國藩事功本於學問，善以禮運。公誠之心，尤足格眾。其治軍行政，務求蹈實。凡規畫天下事，久無不驗，世皆稱之，至謂漢之諸葛亮、唐之裴度、明之王守仁，殆無以過，何其盛歟！國藩又嘗取古今聖哲三十三人，畫像贊記，以為師資，其平生志學大端，具見於此。至功成名立，汲汲以薦舉人才為己任，疆臣閫帥，幾遍海內。以人事君，皆能不負所知。嗚呼！中興以來，一人而已。